Who Will Betray Trump? – POLITICO Magazine

» Who Will Betray Trump? – POLITICO Magazine

08/11/19 13:30 - Post Link On Blogger Archive

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CNN’s YouTube Videos: Republicans say they’re being silenced, transcripts prove otherwise

From: CNN
Duration: 06:58

In this weekend edition of The Point, Chris Cillizza and CNN national security reporter Kylie Atwood discuss the House Intelligence Committee’s release of transcripts from the impeachment inquiry into President Donald Trump. #Cillizza #CNN #News
SOURCES AND FURTHER READING:
The first elections of the impeachment era brought big wins for Democrats
https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2019/11/06/democrats-very-good-election-night-middle-impeachment-inquiry/.
‘I sensed something odd’: What William Taylor told Trump impeachment investigators
https://www.politico.com/news/2019/11/06/william-taylor-impeachment-testimony-066834.
Sondland Updates Impeachment Testimony, Describing Ukraine Quid Pro Quo
https://www.nytimes.com/2019/11/05/us/politics/impeachment-trump.html.
About me:
I was named “best dressed” in 7th grade. That, along with being CNN’s editor at large and author of the daily “Point” newsletter are my proudest achievements. Look for me here every Tuesday and Thursday to find out what’s really going down in politics.
CREDITS
Writer: Chris Cillizza
The Point team: Leigh Munsil and Allison Gordon
Editor: Steven Sevilla
Producer: Arielle Sacks
CNN’s YouTube Videos
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“Have You No Sense of Decency, Sir?”

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Editorial Column| 
“Let us not assassinate this lad further, Senator. You’ve done enough. Have you no sense of decency, sir? – Joseph N. Welch |
The current state of Trumpism is represented by the conflict between the ethos of the Trump – FBI – Rightist Corrupt Wing of GOP on one hand, and the ethos of the US Military and CIA (practically the one and the same institution), on another: you do not betray your fellow countrymen and your colleagues-politicians by extorting the political investigations of rivals in exchange for the military aid. That’s not what we are about, and that’s not what we do. 
And if it is done, even by the President, it will be punished; this type of behavior will not be allowed. Just like we do not sell political refugees or exiles at $500.000 per head, according to the Turkish price lists. We simply do not sell them. This is not what America is about, and this is not what we do. This is the formula. 
The turning point came when the US Military got into the loyal and justified, ethics-oriented opposition to its Commander In Chief and the President. 
The Generals do not acquire their “spurs” in doctors’ offices; they earn them. 
Note the similarity between this “new” and the “original” McCarthyism during the Red Scare of the 1950-s, of which Trump himself and the Trumpism are the direct descendants: the turning point at that time came during the Army – McCarthy Hearings, and they were formulated in the famous question, which was very much on the subject of the political ethics: “Have you no the sense of decency, Sir?!’ 
Now this question is addressed to Mr. Trump, and that what this drama is all about: the ethical, or pseudo-ethical conflict. And if  the “Sir” does not have the sense of decency, the “Sir” must go. Just like the Moor who completed his assignment. And he will go. Just like Joseph McCarthy did. Both of them are the Idols-Victims of the same player: the Abwehr’s agent Roy Cohn. 
Trump was a second act and the second coming for Roy Cohn, the director of this lavish political spectacle of McCarthyism. 
But the playwright appears to be the same, and well versed in all sorts of forgeries, the Literary, and the otherwise; and in my humble opinion, it is Abwehr and the New Abwehr, after WW2. 
The real Ukraine-centered conflict is about the energy supplies: American LNG vs. Russian NG. The competion for the political influence comes with it. Gerhard Schroeder sits on the boards of both Gazprom and Rosneft and controls them. This conflict is about the absorption of Ukraine into the German-Russian vs. the US spheres of political-economic influence, and it comes down to the conflict between shrewd Schroeder and confused-inept Trump. The underlying overall objective of the Operation Trump designed by the New Abwehr, is to displace the US from Europe and from Ukraine by discrediting Trump and Trumpism. 
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» Eric Ciaramella: 5 Fast Facts You Need to Know
09/11/19 07:43 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from Heavy.com. Chase Collegiate School Eric Ciaramella. Eric Ciaramella is a CIA analyst and former National Security Council staffer who has served in both the Obama and Trump administrations as a car…
» Eric Ciaramella – Google Search
09/11/19 07:43 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
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09/11/19 07:42 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
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» “trump russian ties” – Google News: 30 Years After the Fall of the Berlin Wall, Russia Is Only Pretending to Be a Major Power – TIME
09/11/19 07:11 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from 1. Trump from Michael_Novakhov (197 sites). 30 Years After the Fall of the Berlin Wall, Russia Is Only Pretending to Be a Major Power    TIME “trump russian ties” – Google News
» Giuliani pals Lev Parnas and Igor Fruman were actually fleeing to Ukraine: report – New York Daily News
08/11/19 16:41 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
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08/11/19 13:45 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
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» LETTER: ‘A message to you, Rudy’ | Regional-Perspectives | Opinion
08/11/19 13:33 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story . When The Specials issued their eponymous album in 1979, including the song “A message to you, Rudy,” Rudy Giuliani was not much known outside his own New York jungle. He was certainly not a name to a …
» Who Will Betray Trump? – POLITICO Magazine
08/11/19 13:30 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story . F rom the moment Francis Rooney expressed alarm to his House colleagues that Donald Trump might have abused presidential power in his dealings with Ukraine—and more dramatically, that an impeachment i…
» This is one of the objectives of the New Abwehr designed Operation Trump, the Ukraine-centered intelligence operation
08/11/19 09:49 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from The FBI News Review – fbinewsreview.blogspot.com – Blog by Michael Novakhov. By Michael Novakhov (Mike Nova) 10:43 AM 11/8/2019 – Post Link Impeachment strains longstanding bipartisan support for U…
» Impeachment strains longstanding bipartisan support for Ukraine – and this is one of the objectives of the New Abwehr designed Operation Trump, the Ukraine-centered intelligence operation, with Germany her only remaining Darling, for now. – By Michael Nov
08/11/19 09:31 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story . Trump impeachment: Rudy Giuliani’s business dealings sit at … https://www.cnn.com › politics › impeachment-watch-october-16 Oct 17, 2019 – … looking into Rudy Giuliani’s business dealings in Ukrai…
» Michael Bloomberg considering presidential run – Google Search
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» Michael Bloomberg considering presidential run – Google Search
08/11/19 07:58 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story . Web results US election 2020: Michael Bloomberg mulls presidential bid … https://www.bbc.com › news › world-us-canada-50340989 Cached 1 hour ago – Billionaire businessman Michael Bloomberg is strong…
» Eric Ciaramella – Google Search
08/11/19 06:37 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from “Eric Ciaramella” – Google News. Swalwell on Eric Ciaramella : ‘I’m not going to comment on the … Washington Examiner – 8 hours ago The Republican counsel on the House Oversight Committ…
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08/11/19 06:36 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
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» Ciaramella – Google Search
08/11/19 03:45 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
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» Ciaramella – Google Search
08/11/19 03:44 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
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» Ciaramella – Google Search
08/11/19 03:43 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
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» Ciaramella – Google Search
08/11/19 03:43 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
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» Operation Trump – Google Search
08/11/19 03:38 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
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» Operation Trump – Google Search
08/11/19 03:37 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
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» Eric Ciaramella: E-ric: “Ain’t It Rich?!”: CIA-Ramella: “A little animula, (in Russian with the deragotary meaning: “DUSHONKA”) of the CIA”. This is the signature of the New Abwehr’s planners of the Operation Trump. Michael Novakhov
08/11/19 03:29 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from The FBI News Review – fbinewsreview.blogspot.com – Blog by Michael Novakhov. By Michael Novakhov (Mike Nova) Ciaramella  is a “telling” name:  CIA + Ramella  = animula – a little soul.  Eric Ciaram…
» White House publishes transcript of July 25 phone call between Trump and Zelensky (Text) – news politics
08/11/19 02:39 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from News Agency UNIAN. Trump mentioned Biden several times during the call. The transcript of the July 25 call / Photo from Bloomberg The transcript is available here . According to Bloomberg , Preside…
» U.S. media outlet reports identity of whistleblower in Trump-Ukraine scandal – news world
08/11/19 02:34 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from News Agency UNIAN. 14:58, 07 November 2019 World 1774 Updated The activist attorneys who represent the whistleblower refused to confirm or deny that their secretive client is indeed Ciaramella. Pho…
» Zelensky names main topics of future Normandy Four summit – news politics
08/11/19 02:32 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from News Agency UNIAN. There will be no secrets from society, the president has assured. t.me/V_Zelenskiy_official In a video address, the president noted that “the Normandy format is aimed at renewing…
» Rudy Giuliani Will Throw Trump Under The Bus To Save Himself
08/11/19 01:12 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from POLITICUSUSA. Rudy Giuliani has been one of Donald Trump’s staunchest defenders over the past few years, but that could soon change as he finds himself in deepening legal trouble. According to form…
» Does Rudy Giuliani Have Security Clearance? – Google Search
06/11/19 14:51 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
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» Does Rudy Giuliani Have Security Clearance? – Google Search
06/11/19 14:51 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
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» Does Rudy Giuliani Have Security Clearance? – Google Search
06/11/19 14:50 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
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» Does Rudy Giuliani Have Security Clearance? – Google Search
06/11/19 14:50 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from “Does Rudy Giuliani Have Security Clearance?” – Google News. FBI Director Says ‘I Don’t Know’ if Rudy Giuliani Has Security … Newsweek – 18 hours ago FBI Director Says ‘I Don’t Know’ if…
» Does Rudy Giuliani Have Security Clearance? – Google Search
06/11/19 14:49 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story . Giuliani Won’t Say if He Has a Security Clearance https://www.thedailybeast.com › giuliani-wont-say-if-he-has-a-security-cle… Cached Sep 26, 2019 – Rudy’s Ukraine Henchmen Made Big Donation to Pro-T…
» France 24: Trump ally Sondland admits tying Ukraine aid to Biden investigation | KyivPost
06/11/19 14:03 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story . Ukraine-U.S. Relations In Trump Era U.S. Ambassador to the European Union Gordon Sondland arrives at a closed session before the House Intelligence, Foreign Affairs and Oversight committees Oct. 17, 2…
» FBI Director Says ‘I Don’t Know’ if Rudy Giuliani Has Security Clearance
06/11/19 02:19 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story . FBI Director Christopher Wray appeared in front of the Senate Homeland Security Committee on Tuesday, where he was questioned by Senator Kamala Harris (D-Calif.), reports The Hill. One of the first qu…
» New impeachment disclosures lay bare Trump’s power game
05/11/19 17:18 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
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» Trump and Giuliani’s impeachment defense pushes America closer to a ‘mafia state’
05/11/19 17:15 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
Michael_Novakhov shared this story . Neither President Donald Trump nor his personal lawyer Rudy Giuliani deny the underlying facts of the allegations at the heart of the impeachment inquiry . This seems like a relatively crazy thing to …
» The New Abwehr – By Michael Novakhov – Google Search
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» who hacked the dnc in 2016 – Google Search
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» Michael Novakhov: The New Abwehr: the Intelligence Services of Germany, Russia, and Israel, welcoming and embracing the “Novichok” – NEWCOMER – Ukraine into the club – that’s who hacked the DNC in 2016 – Google Search
04/11/19 19:19 from Mike Nova’s Shared Newslinks
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30 Years After Berlin Wall, Russia Is No Longer a Superpower | Time
Sat, 09 Nov 2019 08:11:53 -0500
Michael_Novakhov shared this story .

Russia's President Vladimir Putin and King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud of Saudi Arabia at a ceremony to sign joint documents following Russian-Saudi talks at the Al-Yamamah Royal Palace in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia
Russia’s President Vladimir Putin and King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud of Saudi Arabia at a ceremony to sign joint documents following Russian-Saudi talks at the Al-Yamamah Royal Palace in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia
Mikhail Metzel—TASS
5:00 AM EST
Vladimir Yakunin, the former Russian Railways boss and KGB spy, leaned forward to describe the way the world is going. It was the middle of October, and he had just convened an annual gathering of statesmen from countries that are, as a rule, sympathetic to the Kremlin. Held each fall on the Greek island of Rhodes, the summit provides a chance for Russia’s allies to compare notes, assess opportunities and make plans for the future. Yakunin, an old friend of Russian President Vladimir Putin, serves as the master of ceremonies.
The global context this year seemed to suit his message perfectly. Five days before the summit opened at the Rhodes Palace, the island’s most luxurious hotel, the U.S. had announced that it was withdrawing U.S. troops in northern Syria, effectively abandoning the Kurds and giving Turkey and Russia free reign to do what they want in the region. The U.K.’s plan to leave the European Union had also just hit another embarrassing snag, as its government was forced to ask for yet another Brexit extension. Yakunin clasped his hands as he considered what all this meant for Russia and the world. “We can say the West is declining,” he told TIME. “The global architecture is changing.” He took a sip from his espresso, and added, “The liberal order will be changing.”

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But judging by the turnout in Rhodes this year, Yakunin and his allies back in Moscow are not in a prime position to define the terms of a new world order. The only head of state who showed up was Mahamadou Issoufou, the President of Niger. The handful of attending politicians from Europe were years out of office. Few stayed for the entire weekend. Martin Schulz, the former President of the European Parliament, left before the end of the first day of the conference.
It seemed like a sign of the times for Russia. Compared to its influence in the late Soviet era, when Yakunin served as a KGB spy under diplomatic cover in New York City, the Kremlin today has little claim to the status of a modern superpower. Under President Vladimir Putin, Russia has played a central role in conflicts from the Middle East to Latin America. But its messengers, like Yakunin, have a tendency to overstate their country’s strength. Political experts insist that Putin lacks a strategy for filling the vacuum that President Donald Trump has left behind in Syria. Nor does Moscow have enough money to sustain a system of reliable alliances, the way that China has tried to do by investing billions of dollars each year in countries across Africa.
“Russia can’t really fill this vacuum,” neither in Syria nor the broader Middle East, says Stefan Meister, head of the Program for Eastern Europe and Russia at the German Council on Foreign Relations in Berlin. “It will only play with it. It can destroy, but it’s not able to build up the region.” Whether President Trump likes it or not, the U.S. is still the only power that can do that, says Shada Islam, a director at a Brussels based think tank, Friends of Europe. “The player in chief is still the U.S.—it’s the power that counts in the region,” she says.
The Russians, of course, don’t quite see it that way. One of Yakunin’s guests in Rhodes this year was Vyacheslav Nikonov, the Chairman of the Education and Science Committee in the Russian parliament, who also happens to be the grandson of the legendary Soviet foreign minister, Vyacheslav Molotov. (The Molotov cocktail was named after him, though he was not its inventor; during the Soviet invasion of Finland in 1939-1940, Finnish guerillas used the crude petrol bombs against the Russian troops.)
Less than a week after the forum in Rhodes, some 1,000 miles to the east in the city of Manbij, Russian troops faced no resistance as they moved into northern Syria. It was a scene of triumph for Moscow to broadcast on state TV, as Russian reporters streamed videos from bases that had just been abandoned by American troops.
But those images were hardly a reliable measure of Russia’s power in the Middle East. Since Putin intervened in the Syrian war in 2015 to defend the regime of Bashar Assad, Moscow’s role in the region has come with costs that Russia will have trouble bearing in the long run. “Many in Russia are reluctant to place the country in the position of a security provider because this would involve multifarious responsibilities. This is understood at Russia’s top leadership,” says Elena Chebankova, a Russian politics lecturer at Lincoln University. Russia will not go too far to act as “a world ‘policeman’ to the extent as the USSR did,” she says.
In July, Russia unveiled a proposal for a new alliance in the Middle East, dubbed the Collective Security Concept for the Persian Gulf Region. Its aim is to create stability in the Persian Gulf and involve major global and regional players including China, Russia, India, the U.S. and the E.U. But the plan left many Gulf officials wondering what Russia would do to guarantee the security it promised, says Nikolay Kozhanov, a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations in Moscow. “And the answer was quite obviously, nothing,” says Kozhanov. “Russia is a major player without any special cards in its hands.”

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During Putin’s visits to Abu Dhabi and Saudi Arabia in October, their leaders rolled out the red carpet for the Russian President and declared a new era in relations with Moscow. But the trips turned out to be short on substance, says Rauf Mammadov, an energy policy expert at the Middle East Institute, a U.S.-based think tank. Putin came away with $3 billion in deals—a modest sum compared to the $300 billion Trump secured during his visit to Saudi Arabia in 2017.
Saudi Aramco, the kingdom’s oil company, signed up to buy a stake in a new gas project in the Russian Arctic October 2018, but so far it has not materialized. A much lauded partnership between Russia’s sovereign wealth fund and a UAE-based global investment firm Mubadala was created in 2013, but the two sides have only allocated a third of the $7 billion that is up for investment. Russia’s economic ties to Persian monarchs are “still a nascent process,” says Mammadov. Likewise in Egypt, Putin agreed a deal in 2014 to build a Russian free-trade zone on the Suez Canal—a project that remains on the drawing board, wrapped up in Egyptian red tape. But that did not stop Egyptian President Abdul Fattah Al-Sisi from touting the project during a meeting with Putin in Russia last month.
The economic ties between Russia and China have also tended to produce more headlines than substance. Though Putin has hailed these relations as the “best they’ve ever been,” the primary proof has been the recent series of joint military drills, alongside plans announced last month for Russia to “radically enhance China’s defense capability” by helping the country to build a missile defense system.
Putin and his Chinese counterpart are more like frenemies than allies, says Mathieu Boulègue, a Research Fellow at the Russia and Eurasia Programme at Chatham House. For one thing, Russia is painfully aware that, with an economy 8 times smaller than that of China, it would need to accept the role of junior partner in any alliance with Beijing. “It’s not about cooperation,” says Boulègue, “but the messages it sends to the rest of the world.” The intended message is clear enough, he says: “‘We are not alone.’”

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But loneliness may be wiser than some of the partnerships Russia is courting. Consider its recent moves in Africa. Through a series of security deals and mining ventures, the Kremlin managed to build an alliance in the last two years with the Sudanese dictator Omar al-Bashir—only to watch him deposed in a popular uprising this summer. At the end of October, Putin brought the heads of state from 43 African countries to Sochi, his favorite resort on the Black Sea coast.
The event produced another round of headlines around the world about Russia’s prowess in foreign affairs. But other than the pageantry, it was hard to see what Moscow stood to gain from these alliances. Only 3.7% of Russian goods end up in Africa today, while African goods account for just 1.1% of Russian imports. Russia’s current bilateral trade of $20 billion is just an eighth of China’s and half of the U.S.’s. Paul Stronski, a senior fellow at the U.S.-based Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, sees Russian clout in Africa “tied to a handful of client states with relatively limited strategic significance.” That means Putin is still “nowhere near restoring the status that the Soviet Union once enjoyed on the continent,” Stronski told the BBC.
The same can be said of Yakunin. Though he clearly enjoyed the chance to address his audience of hundreds in Rhodes, the spectacle of the event felt hollow. “It has no real meaning other than maintaining an attractive image of Russia,” says Elisabeth Schimpfossl, the author of Rich Russians: From Oligarchs to Bourgeoisie, who first attended the Rhodes summit in 2009. Then, as now, the gathering was mostly a “PR event,” she says. And in that sense, at least, it resembles a lot of Russia’s recent moves in international affairs.
Contact us at editors@time.com.
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Sat, 09 Nov 2019 07:43:40 -0500
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Chase Collegiate School Eric Ciaramella.
Eric Ciaramella is a CIA analyst and former National Security Council staffer who has served in both the Obama and Trump administrations as a career intelligence officer. Senator Rand Paul tweeted a link to an article by Real Clear Investigations that named Ciaramella as possibly being the whistleblower who came forward with concerns about President Donald Trump’s interactions with the president of Ukraine, leading to an official impeachment inquiry.
Ciaramella was named on social media in early October and by Real Clear Investigations on October 30, after weeks of speculation about his identity. According to the conservative-leaning Real Clear Investigations, Ciaramella’s name has been an open secret in Washington D.C. His name has since been sprkead by conservative pundits and websites, including the Washington Examiner and The Federalist. Senator Paul called for the whistleblower to be subpoenaed to testify under oath. Republican Congressman Matt Gaetz also shared a link to the RCI article on Twitter.
Ciaramella’s name appears in the transcript of a closed-door Congressional session as part of the impeachment inquiry. The transcript of the October 22 deposition of Bill Taylor, the top diplomat in Ukraine, was released by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff on November 6. Attorney Steve Castor, a lawyer for Republican members of the House Intelligence Committee asked Taylor about the whistleblower complaint. During the questioning, Castor asked, “Does a person by the name of Eric Ciaramella ring a bell for you?” Taylor responded, “It doesn’t.” Castor then asked Taylor if, to his knowledge, he had ever had communication with Ciaramella. Taylor responded, “Correct.”
On November 6, Donald Trump Jr. tweeted a link to a Breitbart article about Ciaramella and wrote, “Because of course he did!!! Alleged ‘Whistleblower’ Eric Ciaramella Worked Closely with Anti-Trump Dossier Hoaxer.” The tweet led to anger and the president’s son responded, “The entire media is #Triggered that I (a private citizen) tweeted out a story naming the alleged whistleblower. Are they going to pretend that his name hasn’t been in the public domain for weeks now? Numerous people & news outlets including Real Clear Politics already ID’d him.”
Ciaramella could not be reached for comment by Heavy. The whistleblower’s attorneys issued a statement saying they neither confirm nor deny Ciarmella is the whistleblower. Ciaramella’s father told Real Clear Investigations he doubts his son is the whistleblower, saying, “He didn’t have that kind of access to that kind of information. He’s just a guy going to work every day.”
The whistleblower’s attorneys and Democrats have fought to keep his identity concealed, while Trump and his Republican allies have called for him to be identified publicly, saying he should be questioned about why he came forward and possible political bias because of his background. The existence of whistleblower complaint regarding Trump’s conduct with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky was first revealed in September.
After Real Clear Investigation’s report, conservative radio host Rush Limbaugh, whose nationally syndicated show reaches millions of listeners, named Ciaramella on air.
While Fox News has banned its hosts and contributors from mentioning Ciaramella’s name, according to CNN, one of the network’s guests, syndicated radio host Lars Larson, said the name during a segment on November 7 on “Outnumbered Overtime” with Harris Faulkner. She did not respond or mention his use of Ciaramella’s name.
Mark Zaid and Andrew Bakaj, the attorneys who are representing the whistleblower, issued a statement about Ciaramella being identified as possibly being their client, “Our client is legally entitled to anonymity. Disclosure of the name of any person who may be suspected to be the whistleblower places that individual and their family in great physical danger. Any physical harm the individual and/or their family suffers as a result of disclosure means that the individuals and publications reporting such names will be personally liable for that harm. Such behavior is at the pinnacle of irresponsibility and is intentionally reckless.”
Zaid and Bakaj issued an additional statement after Trump Jr.’s tweet, saying, “We will note, however, that publication or promotion of a name shows the desperation to deflect from the substance of the whistleblower complaint. It will not relieve the president of the need to address the substantive allegations, all of which have been substantially proven to be true.”
According to the Washington Examiner, Ciaramella is currently detailed by the CIA to the National Intelligence Committee, where he works as a deputy national intelligence officer for Russia and Eurasia. He reports to Trump’s acting Director of National Intelligence, Joseph Maguire. He likely works closely with Alexander Vindman, the impeachment inquiry witness who is now Ukraine director for the NSC, Ciaramella’s former role.
A former Trump official told the Examiner, “It is close to a mathematical certainty that (Vindman and the whistleblower) know one another and that (the whistleblower) is being used to provide analytical support to the National Security Council on the topics of Russia and Ukraine. And that is where they would have crossed paths. They would know who one another are.” Another former Trump official said Vindman and Ciaramella both spent time at the U.S. Embassy in Ukraine during the Obama administration. And they have both been working on Ukraine issues for several years.
Vindman said during his Congressional deposition, “I want the committee to know I am not the whistleblower who brought this issue to the CIA and the committee’s attention. … I do not know who the whistleblower is, and I would not feel comfortable to speculate as to the identity of the whistleblower.” Vindman testified that he listened in on the July 25 call at question in the impeachment inquiry and was concerned. ““I was concerned by the call. I did not think it was proper to demand that a foreign government investigate a U.S. citizen, and I was worried about the implications for the U.S. government’s support of Ukraine,” he testified.
Here’s what you need to know about Eric Ciaramella:

1. Ciaramella Is a Ukraine Expert for the CIA Whose Background Matches Details About the Whistleblower Previously Reported by The New York Times

Eric Ciaramella, 33, is a Ukraine expert and his background matches the biographical details reported by The New York Times and other media outlets about the whistleblower. According to The Times, the whistleblower is a CIA officer who was detailed to work at the White House before returning to the CIA. The Times wrote, “His complaint suggested he was an analyst by training and made clear he was steeped in details of American foreign policy toward Europe, demonstrating a sophisticated understanding of Ukrainian politics and at least some knowledge of the law.”
The whistleblower raised concerns that Trump had asked Zelensky during a July 2019 phone call to investigate former Vice President and current Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden, and his son, Hunter Biden. Trump is accused of forcing a quid pro quo in which aid to Ukraine would only be released if an investigation was launched.
In September, after House Speaker Nancy Pelosi announced a formal impeachment, a redacted version of the whistleblower’s complaint and a summary of Trump’s call with Zelensky were made public. The complaint revealed that the whistleblower was not on the call, but learned of concerning information from others with direct knowledge about it.
“The White House officials who told me this information were deeply disturbed by what had transpired in the phone call. They told me that there was already a ‘discussion ongoing’ with White House lawyers about how to treat the call because of the likelihood, in the officials’ retelling, that they had witnessed the President abuse his office for personal gain,” the whistleblower wrote.
In the weeks since, several current and former State Department and other government officials have testified behind closed doors before House committees, with many providing verification of the whistleblower’s claims, according to multiple reports. Sources told Real Clear Investigations that Ciaramella’s name has been mentioned as the whistleblower during the closed-door testimony.
Ciaramella has worked for the Central Intelligence Agency for several years and was assigned to the White House during the end of the Obama administration. He worked closely with Biden in his role as an expert on Ukraine. Ciaramella also has ties to Sean Misko, a former NSC co-worker who now works for Representative Adam Schiff and the Intelligence Committee. According to The New York Times, the whistleblower first went to a CIA lawyer and then to an unnamed Schiff aide before filing the whistleblower complaint. The aide told the whistleblower to follow the formal process, but conveyed some of the information he learned from him to Schiff, without revealing his name, The Times reported.
“Like other whistle-blowers have done before and since under Republican and Democratic-controlled committees, the whistle-blower contacted the committee for guidance on how to report possible wrongdoing within the jurisdiction of the intelligence community,” said Patrick Boland, a spokesman for Schiff, told The Times.
The whistleblower’s ties to Democrats, including Biden, Schiff, former CIA Director John Brennan, former Director of Intelligence James Clapper and former National Security Adviser Susan Rice, have created controversy, with Trump and Republicans using his past work with them in an attempt to discredit him. Republican Rep. Louie Gohmert told a local radio station in his home state of Texas that many in Washington D.C. knew the whistleblower’s identity, calling him a “staunch Democrat,” and former “point person on Ukraine,” who never called out corruption in the Eastern European country.
Ciaramella has been in the crosshairs of Republicans previously, after some on the far right tied him to the Obama-associated “deep state” in 2017, accusing him of undermining Trump while he was working in the White House.
The whistleblower’s attorneys have received more than $220,000 in donations to a GoFundMe campaign set up by the group Whistleblower Aid in support of his attorneys, Mark Zaid and Andrew Bakaj.
“A U.S. intelligence officer who filed an urgent report of government misconduct needs your help. This brave individual took an oath to protect and defend our Constitution. We’re working with the whistleblower and launched a crowdfunding effort to support the whistleblower’s lawyers,” the GoFundMe states. “These whistleblowers took great personal risks, not for politics or personal gain, but to defend our democracy. We need to have their backs.”
The GoFundMe adds, “If we raise more than we need, Whistleblower Aid will use the money to help more brave whistleblowers stand up to executive overreach.”

2. Eric Ciaramella Grew Up in Connecticut, Studied at Yale & Harvard & Worked at the World Bank

eric ciaramella Eric Ciaramella.
Eric Ciaramella grew up in Prospect, Connecticut, as one of three children. He spent time attending Woodland Regional High School in Beacon Falls, Connecticut, and then graduated from Chase Collegiate School, in Waterbury, Connecticut, in 2004, according to the prep school’s alumni magazine.
After high school, Ciaramella attended Yale University, graduating in 2008 as a Russian and East European studies major. In 2007, he was awarded a grant by the Yale Macmillan Center for European Union Studies to “research on the perceptions of the EU among rural Italian residents.”
While at Yale, Ciaramella, who speaks Russian, Ukrainian and Arabic, led a protest over the departure of an Arabic department professor, according to the Yale Daily News. The student newspaper wrote, “Students convened outside Silliman at 9 a.m., all dressed in white to symbolize their future goal of bridging the gap between the United States and the Middle East through the use of the Arab language, said Eric Ciaramella ’08, one of the students who led the protest.”
Ciaramella also studied at Harvard University, focusing on Russia, Eastern Europe, Central Asia, according to the school’s website. He received a grant in 2009 for research on “Language in the Public Sphere in Three Post-Soviet Capital Cities,” Tbilisi, Georgia; Yerevan, Armenia; Baku, Azerbaijan. Ciaramella was additionally a corresponding author for Harvard’s Department of Linguistics and wrote a paper in 2015 titled, “Structural ambiguity in the Georgian verbal noun.”
Ciaramella worked at the World Bank after college, according to a 2011 publication by the international financial institution. In the World Bank report, “Russia: Reshaping Economic Geography,” published in June 2011, Ciaramella is listed in the acknowledgments for making “important contributions” to the research. On a now-deleted Linkedin profile, he described himself as being a “Consultant, Poverty Reduction/Economic Management” at World Bank. Ciaramella also deleted his Facebook profile page and does not appear to have any other social media.
Public records show that Ciaramella was a registered Democrat while he lived in Connecticut. According to CNN, the inspector general for the intelligence committee mentioned and dismissed concerns about political bias because the whistleblower is registered as a Democrat.
Inspector General Michael Atkinson wrote, “Further although the ICIG’s preliminary reviewed identified some indicia of bias of an arguable political bias on the part of the complainant in favor of a rival political candidate, such evidence did not change my determination that the complaint relating to the urgent concern ‘appears credible’ particularly given the other information the ICIG obtained during its preliminary review.”
Mark Zaid, an attorney for the whistleblower tweeted in response to the story, “We won’t comment on identifying info but if true, give me a break! Bias? Seriously? Most (people) are.” Another attorney for the whistleblower, Andrew Bakaj, told CNN that the whistleblower had “contact with presidential candidates from both parties in their roles as elected officials — not as candidates,” and said the whistleblower “has never worked for or advised a political candidate, campaign or party.

3. Ciaramella Was Detailed to the National Security Council at the White House in 2015 After Joining the CIA as an Analyst Focusing on Ukraine & Russia

Eric Ciaramella joined the Central Intelligence Agency at some point during President Obama’s second term. According to reports by The Washington Post and The New York Times about the whistleblower, prior to Ciaramella being named, and online records, Ciaramella was detailed to the White House to serve as a Ukraine expert with the National Security Council in 2015. He worked under National Security Advisor Susan Rice. The NSC is made up of analysts and staffers from various intelligence agencies, including the CIA, who are detailed to the White House for a period of time, before eventually returning to their parent agencies.
During his time with the National Security Council, Ciaramella also worked with then-Vice President Biden, who was working closely on Ukraine issues at the end of Obama’s time in office. Ciaramella is also listed as a guest at a 2016 luncheon to honor the prime minister of Italy, along with Biden.
In November 2015, Ciaramella is named as one of the officials who attended a White House meeting with Ukrainian religious leaders, along with his boss, Charles Kupchan. The Ukrainian religious leaders delivered a letter appealing to President Obama for aid for their country. Ciaramella is listed as the “NSC Director for Ukraine.” That position is now held by Alexander Vindman, a key witness in the impeachment inquiry, who listened to the call between President Trump and President Zelensky.
Ciaramella also has ties to former Democratic National Committee operative and opposition researcher Alexandra Chalupa, a Ukrainian-American who has been targeted by some conservatives as being behind an effort to accuse the Trump campaign of Russian collusion. Chalupa, then with the National Democratic Ethnic Coordinating Committee, was also in attendance at the November 2015 meeting with Ukrainian religious leaders, according to public records.
While Republicans have accused Chalupa of being a leader of a conspiracy to bring down Trump with false accusations
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From left, Vice President Mike Pence, Igor Fruman, Lev Parnas, President Donald Trump and Rudy Giuliani are pictured in an undated photo.
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When The Specials issued their eponymous album in 1979, including the song “A message to you, Rudy,” Rudy Giuliani was not much known outside his own New York jungle.
He was certainly not a name to a group of “two-tone” boys from Coventry, in the “Black Country” of England. It was black, too, thanks to two centuries of unregulated heavy industry and coal-mining.
Now it’s been whitewashed and re-christened “The Heart of England,” but it’s the black heart of England, still.
Anyway, Jerry Dammers and his friends played some very nice Ska, and one of their best (in my humble opinion) songs remains “A message to you, Rudy,”
Somebody should have a quiet word with Giuliani and advise him not to take a bullet for Donald. Trump. The way things are going, Rudy may very likely be left holding the bag when his ungainly (but slippery) boss squirms out of this impeachment process.
Maintaining your loyalty to a man who will in no way be loyal to you in return is not just foolhardy, it’s suicidal.
The Specials’ message to all the rude-boys out there, and equally to Rudy Giuliani, Includes some good advice:
“Stop your foolin’ around;
time you straightened right out.
Better think of your future,
or else you’ll wind up in jail.”
Now, I don’t know if Giuliani listens to Ska, or if his skankin’ is ready for the public yet, but he should be prepared to do some shufflin’.
What’s more, he should not, above all, expect Trump to be Rock-steady — it’s just not in his nature.
It’s doubtful if Giuliani would accept advice from a bi-racial group of British lads he would no doubt dismiss as punks, so I’m probably wasting my time even suggesting it.
Still, it’s no waste of time listening to some of that iconic 1970s Two-Tone music.
It never was.
Ed Healy,
Marystown

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From the moment Francis Rooney expressed alarm to his House colleagues that Donald Trump might have abused presidential power in his dealings with Ukraine—and more dramatically, that an impeachment inquiry could be warranted—the Florida Republican was a marked man.
He made for a most unusual suspect. A silver-haired business tycoon, former ambassador and card-carrying member of the GOP establishment, Rooney had reliably played the role of good soldier for the party since easily winning his Naples-area congressional seat in 2016. He had kept his head down. He had dutifully gone about his business as a policymaker and a politician. He had, like so many of his fellow Republicans, muffled his trepidation over the president’s behavior, recognizing that to cross Trump was to commence the extinction of his own political career.
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Venting privately about the president has become a hallowed pastime in Republican-controlled Washington, a sort of ritualistic release for those lawmakers tasked with routinely defending the indefensible, and Rooney had long indulged without consequence. Certainly, his friends noticed, the Florida congressman had grown more animated in private over the past year—railing against the improprieties detailed in the Mueller report, decrying the Trump family’s brazen attempts to enrich themselves off the presidency, wondering aloud what the president needed to do before voters would turn on him. Still, there was no real risk. To the extent GOP leaders heard echoes of Rooney’s discontent, they dismissed it as just another member blowing off steam.
But as summer turned to fall, Rooney wasn’t just bitching and complaining anymore. He was talking about impeachment. And he was talking not in a manner that was abstract or academic, but concrete and ominous. Initially in one-on-one conversations, and then in larger group settings, Rooney cautioned his colleagues that there could be no turning a blind eye to the fact pattern emerging from Trump’s relationship with Ukraine. It seemed possible, if not probable, that congressionally approved military aid to the embattled country—long a cause dear to Democrats and Republicans alike—had been held up contingent on investigations into Trump’s domestic political rivals. The question, Rooney told his friends, was not whether there was clear evidence of wrongdoing, but whether the president himself was culpable—and if so, whether congressional Republicans were going to cover for him.
All of a sudden, the once-invisible congressman was the subject of constant surveillance. Rooney could go nowhere, say nothing, without the eyes of the party on him. House Republican leaders, having been made aware of Rooney’s agitating, deputized lawmakers to monitor the malcontent. The White House—both its political team and its legislative affairs shop—did likewise. Before long, the president himself was briefed on the threat from Rooney. Disturbed, Trump began calling his friends and associates, on Capitol Hill and in Florida, trying to make sense of the situation.
“Who the hell is this Rooney guy?” the president asked Florida Governor Ron DeSantis during one phone call, according to sources familiar with their conversation. “What’s his deal?”
All the president’s allies agreed Rooney was a problem. But there was no obvious solution. The congressman had yet to say anything menacing about Trump in public; taking some type of punitive measure against him, be it a closed-door belittling or a presidential tweet-lashing, would be strange and possibly counterproductive. If the overarching goal was to keep Republicans unified in the face of impeachment’s advance—for the sake of immediate political advantage, if not also for the president’s legacy—keeping Rooney close made more sense than alienating him.
Ultimately, Republican leaders in Washington and Florida settled on a simple course of action. They would beat Rooney at his own game, doing nothing to undermine him openly but instead orchestrating a whisper campaign aimed at sowing doubts about his devotion to the president. The focal point would be Florida’s 19th, Rooney’s bloody red district, which Trump had carried by 22 points. That way, if and when Rooney broke ranks, the uprising back home would appear instant and organic. The recoil wouldn’t just scare Rooney straight; it would provide a cautionary tale for any Republican tempted to follow his lead.
Rooney knew the trap was being laid, but he didn’t bother avoiding it. On Friday, October 18, the congressman appeared on CNN and said there was “clear” evidence of a quid pro quo based on acting White House chief of staff Mick Mulvaney’s own description of events. Asked whether he was ruling out voting for impeachment, Rooney replied, “I don’t think you can rule anything out until you know all the facts.” He also added, “I’m very mindful of the fact that back during Watergate everybody said, ‘Oh, it’s a witch hunt to get Nixon.’ Turns out it wasn’t a witch hunt. It was absolutely correct.”
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Rooney’s remarks—in particular, his unsolicited comparison of Trump to Nixon—left his colleagues slack-jawed. House Republicans, having received hair-on-fire emails from staffers alerting them to the comments, tip-toed through the Capitol to avoid reporters asking for comment. Video of the little-known congressman’s interview rocketed around Twitter and turned official Washington on its head for a matter of hours, fueling immediate speculation that a broader revolt might be brewing. Here, at last, was a Republican lawmaker openly entertaining the prospect of impeaching a Republican president.
And sure enough, as though a switch had been flipped, Rooney found himself under siege.
“The blowback from the people in Southwest Florida was something. I mean, I had people down here in the local Republican leadership mad at me, yelling at me, telling me nothing should happen to make me waver in my support of Donald Trump. Nothing,” he recalls in an interview. “Now, I’m pretty immune to pressure. I’ve got a great company, a great family, I’ve done some wonderful things in my life. So, the fact that I got criticized by some local Republican officials doesn’t bother me one bit. But still … ”
Rooney’s voice trails off. The intensity of that criticism—and the threats on his career, made implicit and explicit by Florida Republicans in the hours after his CNN appearance—left him with an inescapable conclusion: There would be no coming back to Congress. He had mulled retirement in the months prior, but now the decision was being made for him. The very next day, appearing on Fox News, Rooney announced he would not seek reelection in 2020.
It hardly could have played better for Trump. The headlines wrote themselves. As Rolling Stone declared, “GOP Congressman Open to Impeachment on Friday, Retires on Saturday.”
The implication was clear: Any Republican who so much as flirted with impeachment would no longer have a home in the party.
Two weeks later, when the House passed a resolution advancing the impeachment inquiry, all 196 of the House Republicans on the floor voted as a bloc against the measure. It was a display of solidarity and a reassertion of supremacy; once again, everyone in the party had fallen in line behind Trump. To the president’s delight, as he watched the proceedings on television, the “nays” even included the troublemaker Rooney, who, Trump concluded, had tucked his tail between his legs and done as he was told. Trump basked in the sensation. That the House had moved closer toward a historic and humiliating referendum on his presidency was less important than the GOP rallying uniformly in his defense. There would be no more talk of dissension. Whatever rebellious spark Rooney once embodied had been decisively extinguished.
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Or so the president hoped.
In fact, Rooney says now, his vote was in disapproval of the Democrats’ process—not a display of confidence in Trump’s innocence. “That was just a procedural vote,” the congressman says, explaining that he studied the House rules that governed Bill Clinton’s impeachment and was prepared to vote for similar guidelines had Speaker Nancy Pelosi brought them to the floor this time around. “I’m not going to show my hand on impeachment until we get all the facts out there.”
Rooney insists he’s not alone. It was only after he spoke candidly on CNN, he says, that other members began confiding in him that they, too, were losing confidence in their defense of the president. “There are a lot of Republicans who feel varying levels of disquiet at the idea of using American foreign policy power to gin up domestic political investigations,” Rooney says.
Of course, the yawning delta between what Republicans feel privately and what they say publicly has been a defining theme of the Trump era. Whether any of those lawmakers suddenly find the courage to defy him on a legacy-shaping vote will go a long way toward shaping history’s view of Trump’s presidency, his impeachment, and his stewardship of the Republican Party.
From dozens of interviews with GOP lawmakers, congressional aides and White House staffers over the past month, it’s evident that Rooney is right: There is a sizable number of Republican senators and representatives who believe Trump’s actions are at least theoretically impeachable, who believe a thorough fact-finding mission is necessary, who believe his removal from office is not an altogether radical idea.
But it’s also evident that, barring a plain admission of guilt by the president himself—think Jack Nicholson in A Few Good Men—the Republican Party will not be forsaking Trump. He could lose a stray vote in the House, maybe even two, when articles of impeachment come to the floor. He could fare even worse in the Senate, knowing that more than a few of the 53 Republican jurors might be tempted etch their names in the history books at his expense. None of this will alter his standing atop the party; none of this will change the fact that he is president through January 2021 and perhaps beyond.
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And yet, Trump cannot stand to be embarrassed—and there is no greater embarrassment to a president than being impeached, much less with the abetting of his own tribe. There is an urgency, then, not only to limit defections but eliminate them. The administration, working in concert with its allies on Capitol Hill, has been hard at work identifying potential turncoats in the party and monitoring their activities to catch any sign of slippage. Believing that a unified party-line vote is needed in the House to prevent any narrative of Republicans abandoning Trump when action moves to the Senate, the president’s allies are determined to stay one step ahead of any lawmaker who might be going soft, gaming out scenarios for who could desert and why.
It amounts to a preemptive game of political whodunit, with Trump’s enforcers seeking to solve a mystery of political betrayal before it occurs. Naturally, there is no bigger fan of this game than the president himself.

To understand Trump’s fixation on the word loyalty is to understand that his interpretation, at least in a political context, means submissionsubservience, subjugation.
Having conquered the GOP with a scorched-earth primary campaign—wrecking the Bush dynasty, pillaging the party’s establishment wing, refashioning the American right in his own image—Trump continues to demand the party’s complete and total devotion to him. It began after he won the Indiana primary in May 2016, eliminating Ted Cruz and John Kasich and becoming the presumptive nominee, only to be dumbfounded at hearing Paul Ryan, then the House speaker, declaring that he wasn’t ready to support the party’s new standard bearer. To Trump, who long possessed a sort of medieval, winner-take-all understanding of business and life, it had never occurred to him that this was a possibility. He was the victor; he deserved the spoils, starting with the allegiance of the subjects he now ruled.
Every day since, Trump has been preoccupied with questions of treachery within his newfound tribe. When we sat for an interview early this year for my book, American Carnage, the president returned time and again to this notion of fidelity. Because he had returned the GOP to power, Trump intimated, allowing Republicans to claim victories on all matter of policy and personnel, they owed him their unwavering support.
“The Republican Party was in big trouble,” Trump told me. “I brought the party back. The Republican Party is strong. The Republican Party is strong.” He then added, “They’ve got to remain faithful. And loyal.”
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People around the president say he seldom grows agitated at the conduct of Pelosi, or Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, or House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff, the Democrats he most enjoys lampooning on Twitter. They are the opposition party, and because Trump holds a symmetrical view of politics, he expects (and often embraces) their antagonism. It’s an entirely different story when it comes to intraparty dissent.
Rarely does the president become more wrathful, his allies say, than when he learns of a Republican criticizing him, particularly if done in a public setting. And even when he hears of an internecine attack launched behind closed doors, Trump has been known to fly into a rage, calling people who were in the room to grill them for details on the alleged act of duplicity. On more than one occasion, after receiving reports of unflattering talk by his fellow Republicans, the president has resorted to blasting out angry, cryptic tweets hinting at a possible betrayal.
“The Never Trumper Republicans, though on respirators with not many left, are in certain ways worse and more dangerous for our Country than the Do Nothing Democrats,” he tweeted on October 23. “Watch out for them, they are human scum!”
The president didn’t call out anyone by name. But at the time, Republicans widely interpreted the missive to be the continuation of a recent campaign against Mitt Romney, the Utah senator and Trump’s longtime nemesis. In the weeks preceding the tweet, Romney had resumed his role as Trump’s chief Republican tormentor, calling his interactions with Ukraine “wrong and appalling,” while separately skewering the president for his abandoning the Kurds in Syria. (It was also revealed, after reporting in The Atlantic and Slate, that Romney maintained a burner Twitter account from which he promoted anti-Trump commentary.) In return, the president unleashed a furious tweetstorm, calling Romney “a pompous ‘ass’” and suggesting he should be impeached. Never mind that senators are not subject to impeachment under the Constitution—Trump was livid, and he was lashing out.
Given the history of hostilities between them, and Romney’s obvious belief that Trump has abused his power and used the office of the presidency for his personal gain, it’s easy to understand why the junior senator from Utah is universally viewed as the likeliest Republican apostate on the question of impeachment, in either chamber.
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What’s harder to understand is why Trump would choose to deploy the phrase “human scum!” in describing disloyal Republicans—a rhetorical eyebrow-raiser, even for him—without making clear to whom he was referring or what specifically was provoking his fury.
Parsing the president’s tweets can be a fool’s errand. But considering the historic nature of the converging events of late October—the Ukraine quid pro quo, the forsaking of the Kurds, the decision (later reversed) to host the G-7 at Trump’s luxury golf resort in Florida—and the unprecedented outcry heard among Republicans, the “human scum!” outburst provides a valuable window into a presidency in crisis. That Trump was not singling out Romney, the president’s team began to sense, reflected a pair of interrelated realities: first, that the Utah senator was a lost cause; and second, that Trump suddenly had other senators to worry about.
It’s doubtful that any American, whether Trump’s biggest fan or his boldest critic, is going to have their perceptions swayed by a single Republican senator voting to remove the president from office—particularly if that senator is Romney. But what about two Republican senators? Or three? Or five?
Nobody on Capitol Hill believes the number of GOP mutineers could even remotely approach the 20 needed to convict Trump in a Senate trial. All the same, there is a recognition among the president’s allies that his reelection campaign, not to mention his place in history, could be crippled by even the smallest clique of Republicans banding together and issuing what would be an institution-defining rebuke. What would be especially damning, they know, is if those converts aren’t easily explained away as fair-weather friends like Romney.
Oh, it wouldn’t shock anyone if Susan Collins, the centrist from Maine, turned on Trump once and for all. She has never thought highly of the president. She has exhausted the polite ways in which to articulate her belief that he is unfit for office. She, like Romney, called Trump’s phone call with the Ukrainian president “appalling.”
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Nor would it surprise Republicans if Lisa Murkowski, the other quasi-independent in the GOP caucus, turned on Trump. The Alaska senator has been a chronic problem for the White House. Whether it was her vote against the GOP’s Obamacare repeal proposal, or her persistent abuse of the administration for its handling of a 35-day government shutdown, or her go-it-alone refusal to confirm Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court, Murkowski has shown a unique capacity for afflicting the president.
In late October, it was those three GOP senators—Romney, Collins and Murkowski—who conspicuously refused to co-sponsor Lindsey Graham’s resolution condemning the House of Representatives for its impeachment inquiry. So, sure, any one of those three voting to remove Trump from office would come as less than a revelation. Heck, all three voting to remove Trump from office might not move the needle much in political circles.
Then again, three is more than zero. And what if it’s more?
What if Lamar Alexander, the retiring statesman from Tennessee who has struggled to mask his disillusionment with Trump’s destruction of norms, decides to go out with a bang?
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What if Cory Gardner, whose reelection in Colorado seems destined to be doomed by the top of the ticket, thinks his next act in politics depends on establishing distance from Trump?
What if Ben Sasse or Pat Toomey or Rob Portman, all thoughtful conservatives in the Burkean tradition, reach a point where they feel compelled to meet a moment on behalf of their party and their country and perhaps even their constituents, as upset as many of them might be?
None of this might seem realistic. Yet these are precisely the scenarios being bandied about by the president’s team—and on occasion, by Trump himself. According to multiple people who have been consulted by the president on the impeachment endgame, it’s not far-fetched to imagine as many as five Republican senators ultimately taking the leap together. This is because there’s a near-certain foundation of one with Romney, and a plausible foundation of three with Romney, Collins and Murkowski. Two or three more isn’t impossible to imagine; there is reassurance in numbers, a knowledge among some potential combination of defecting senators that they won’t be out on a limb by themselves. (None of the senators in question have commented with any real clarity on the impeachment proceedings, preferring for now to cloak their silence in the explanation that they will soon be jurors in America’s most important trial.)
The good news for Trump is that there’s no Romney-esque Republican in the House GOP—no stalwart, no ringleader, no reliable fly in the ointment.
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The bad news? It makes his team’s sleuthing all the more difficult.

The Democratic takeover of the House in November 2018 set in motion two equal and opposite outcomes that grow likelier by the day. The first is that Trump will be impeached. The second is that House Republicans will be united in
This is one of the objectives of the New Abwehr designed Operation Trump, the Ukraine-centered intelligence operation
Fri, 08 Nov 2019 09:49:43 -0500
Michael_Novakhov shared this story from The FBI News Review – fbinewsreview.blogspot.com – Blog by Michael Novakhov.

“Impeachment strains longstanding bipartisan support for Ukraine” – and this is one of the objectives of the New Abwehr designed Operation Trump, the Ukraine-centered intelligence operation, with Germany her only remaining Darling, for now. – By Michael Novakhov – Google Search

10:37 AM 11/8/2019 – Post Link

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Michael Novakhov – SharedNewsLinks℠
Impeachment strains longstanding bipartisan support for Ukraine – and this is one of the objectives of the New Abwehr designed Operation Trump, the Ukraine-centered intelligence operation, with Germany her only remaining Darling, for now. – By Michael Novakhov – Google Search
Michael Bloomberg considering presidential run – Google Search
Michael Bloomberg considering presidential run – Google Search
Michael Bloomberg considering presidential run – Google Search
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Operation Trump – Google Search
Impeachment strains longstanding bipartisan support for Ukraine – and this is one of the objectives of the New Abwehr designed Operation Trump, the Ukraine-centered intelligence operation, with Germany her only remaining Darling, for now. – By Michael Nov
Fri, 08 Nov 2019 09:31:39 -0500
Michael_Novakhov shared this story .

Trump impeachment: Rudy Giuliani’s business dealings sit at …


https://www.cnn.com › politics › impeachment-watch-october-16
Oct 17, 2019 – … looking into Rudy Giuliani’s business dealings in Ukraine have dug into … dealings sit at the center of the deepening TrumpUkraine scandal. … JUST WATCHED …. The counterintelligence part of the investigation indicates that FBI … operation was trying to take advantage of Giuliani’s business ties in …

Live updates: The latest on the Trump impeachment inquiry …


https://www.cnn.com › politics › live-news › impeachment-inquiry-10-10-…
Oct 11, 2019 – The latest: President Trump’s administration won’t cooperate with the … A top US diplomat who called the Ukraine aid freeze “crazy” is being asked to testify … if Taylor was made to choose between staying on to guide US policy … However she now finds herself increasingly ensnared in the scandal as new …

The Early Edition: October 29, 2019 – Just Security


https://www.justsecurity.org › the-early-edition-october-29-2019

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