What is Psychohistory? Part 1 | “Kaiser Trump” as the New Abwehr’s Operation – A Study In Operational Psychology – By Michael Novakhov, M.D.| 8:20 AM 11/28/2019 – Web Review - Part 1
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What is Psychohistory? - 8:34 AM 11/28/2019 | “Kaiser Trump” as the New Abwehr’s Operation – A Study In Operational Psychology – By Michael Novakhov, M.D.| 8:20 AM 11/28/2019 – Web Review - Part 1
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What is Psychohistory? – Wounded Leaders
https://woundedleaders.co.uk › what-is-psychohistory
Psychohistory is a relatively new and controversial discipline that gives the past more sense and perspective by looking through the powerful lens of psychological knowledge. Psychohistory also explores how shifts in consciousness and national mind-sets create ways of thinking about the world.
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Jun 20, 2018 – Psychohistory is an extremely fringe academic field that, in theory, attempts to combine psychology and history, but is, in reality, a fusion of …
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Psychohistory | Asimov | FANDOM powered by Wikia
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Nov 21, 2016 – Psychohistory is the name of a fictional science in Isaac Asimov’s Foundation universe, which combined history, psychology and mathematical …
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by TA Kohut – 1986 – Cited by 69 – Related articles
Shrinking Histoy, for example, call into question not only psychohistory and psychoanalysis but also the practice of history itself.4 Uneasy about the method-.
Psychohistory – an overview | ScienceDirect Topics
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Psychohistory developed primarily in America beginning in the 1950s. Two main tenets distinguish its approach to the human past. One is that history is strictly …
Psychohistory | Definition of Psychohistory by Merriam-Webster
https://www.merriam-webster.com › dictionary › psychohistory
Psychohistory definition is – historical analysis or interpretation using psychological and psychoanalytic methods; also : a work of history using such methods.
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The Future of Psychohistory | Psychology Today
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May 17, 2009 – It was still about 22 years before the founding of the Journal of Psychohistory in 1973, and the gradual emergence of more trustworthy scientific …
In Psychohistory: Theory and Practice (1999), Jacques Szaluta defines psychohistory as “the application of psychology, in its broadest sense, or psychoanalysis …
Historiography – Biography and psychohistory | Britannica
https://www.britannica.com › topic › Biography-and-psychohistory
Historiography – Historiography – Biography and psychohistory: Ancient biography, especially the entire genre of hagiography, subordinated any treatment of …
The Growth of Psychohistory | SpringerLink
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by CB Strozier – 1985 – Cited by 2 – Related articles
Erikson’s Young Man Luther opened a whole new phase in psychohistory. It became a highly controversial and visible endeavor for the literate public: one New …
Psychohistory | SpringerLink
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As signaled already by the very designation, psychohistory is a field constituted by an overlap of the academic disciplines of psychology and history (each of …
Cryptoeconomics and Asimov’s Psychohistory – By
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Cryptoeconomics and Asimov’s Psychohistory. October 31st 2017. Tweet This. I recently finished the Foundation series by Isaac Asimov, one of the most popular …
What Isaac Asimov Taught Us About Predicting the Future …
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Oct 31, 2018 – Alec Nevala-Lee considers the science fiction writer’s concept of “psychohistory,” a fictional method for predicting the future dreamed up during …
Paul Krugman: Asimov’s Foundation novels grounded my …
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Dec 4, 2012 – In Foundation, we learn that a small group of mathematicians have developed “ psychohistory“, the aforementioned rigorous science of society.
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Texas Explosion at Port Neches Chemical Plant Forces …
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7 hours ago – An explosion at a chemical plant in southeastern Texas early on Wednesday injured at least three people and forced the evacuation of residents within half a mile of the site, a statement from the plant and a spokeswoman for the Jefferson County Sheriff’s Office said.
Port Neches explosion: Texas chemical plant blast injures 3 …
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3 hours ago – An explosion rocked a chemical plant early Wednesday in Texas, causing extensive damage across the small city of Port Neches and leaving …
Explosion, fire burning at Port Neches plant early Wednesday
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27 mins ago – PORT NECHES, Texas — At least three people were hurt, but no one was killed when a massive explosion rocked the TPC Group Plant in Port …
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Operation Trump – 10:18 AM 11/27/2019
10:11 AM 11/27/2019 – Operation Trump, study in Political Criminology and Psychohistory: The New Abwehr Hypothesis – By Michael Novakhov
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by Michael Novakhov, MD – A Study In Political Criminology
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Президент Украины Владимир Зеленский раскрыл детали телефонного разговора с Владимиром Путиным, который состоялся 25 ноября. Он подтвердил ранее появившуюся в СМИ информацию, что во время разговора поднял вопрос возврата недостающих комплектующих на военных катерах, которые Россия передала Украине спустя год после инцидента в Керченском проливе.
“Мы обсудили с Путиным, что [на катерах] нет всего технического оборудования, которое [там] было”, – сказал Зеленский журналистам во вторник после встречи в Таллине с президентом Эстонии Керсти Кальюлайд.
Также он рассказал, что во время беседы с Путиным зашла речь о необходимости подписания до конца года нового долгосрочного договора о транзите российского газа в Европу через Украину. “Это является приоритетом не только для Украины – это энергетическая безопасность для всей Европы”, – пояснил Зеленский. При этом отношения с Россией он назвал “очень сложными”, подтвердив, что “Украина выбрала европейский курс”.
О том, затрагивалась ли в разговоре с Путиным тема нового обмена заключёнными, Зеленский не сообщил.
Накануне пресс-служба Кремля сообщила о телефонном разговоре между президентами России и Украины, которая, согласно этому сообщению, состоялась по инициативе Владимира Зеленского. Личная встреча между главами государств предварительно запланирована на 9 декабря в Париже во время саммита в “нормандском формате”.
- 25 ноября 2018 года российские пограничники протаранили, обстреляли, а затем задержали украинские военные катера “Бердянск” и “Никополь”, а также буксир “Яны Капу”, которые пытались пройти в Азовское море через Керченский пролив. Вместе с ними были задержаны 24 украинских военнослужащих. Киев назвал действия России “актом агрессии”. Позицию Украины поддержали США, НАТО, ООН и Евросоюз, призвав российские власти немедленно освободить моряков и вернуть катера. Россия же обвинила задержанных в “незаконном пересечении границы”. Им грозило до 6 лет лишения свободы.
- В сентябре этого года украинские моряки вернулись на родину в рамках обмена заключёнными и арестованными между Украиной и Россией. 18 ноября Россия передала Украине и захваченные корабли, однако командующий ВМС Украины Игорь Воронченко, осмотрев их, заявил, что катера не на ходу, так как россияне их “угробили”, похитив не только боеприпасы, но и оборудование, и даже сантехнику, включая унитазы.
- В ответ Центр общественных связей ФСБ России опубликовал видео процесса передачи судов. Представители украинской стороны никаких претензий об их состоянии не высказывают. Также на кадрах в одном из помещений виден белый унитаз.
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Putin, Bannon & Silicon Valley: The Axis of Oligarchs
27 November 2019
Tamsin Shaw explains how anti-market Russian oligarchy has spread to the US, and that Big Tech may be the prime beneficiary.
It has become evident over the last few years that the wealthiest individuals in Europe and America, who we’re used to thinking of as anti-state libertarians, have in fact abandoned free markets in favour of state-supported monopolies; they wish to be oligarchs.
On the Russian model of what is known as “state capitalism,” businesses that are strategically essential to the state receive various forms of state protection, including the absorption of economic risk. The billionaire owners of those businesses move their enormous profits off-shore and very little financial benefit accrues to the Russian people, so deep inequalities are endemic.
When assessed in purely economic terms, this model looks extremely unappealing. Russia has had very low economic growth, particularly since the 2014 devaluation of the ruble, and has been derided for its outsized geopolitical ambitions compared to the size of its economy. It has been referred to dismissively by Americans as “Mexico with nukes.”
But the far-right in Europe and America have perceived quite clearly the advantages of this system both to the state and its favored oligarchs.
Strategic Investment – Hybrid Warfare
Russia’s influence in the world has been vastly increased through its use of strategic investment as a form of hybrid warfare. It has long been Putin’s modus operandi to make loyal oligarchs serve strategic interests.
Petr Aven of Alfa Bank told the Office of the Special Counsel during Robert Mueller’s investigation that he is one of approximately fifty oligarchs who are regularly invited to meet with Putin, and that Putin’s directives at those meetings are taken very seriously. These oligarchs have bought companies that own sensitive data or emerging technologies, they own telecommunications and energy businesses that are vital to states’ interests and national security; they have established industries in economically vulnerable areas of Europe and America that will suffer disproportionately if sanctions are imposed.
But the tremendous leverage Russia can wield through the use of relatively meagre economic means has only recently become evident. The West has been slow to catch on.
Putin brought the Russian oligarchs, enriched under Yeltsin, swiftly to heel when he became President in 2000. The post-Soviet expansion of the Russian economy had created enormous fortunes for the billionaires, but in 2003 Putin made clear his intentions towards those who were his political opponents, with the arrest of the wealthiest man in Russia, owner of Yukos, Mikhail Khodorkovsky (he was imprisoned and now lives in exile in the US). Many other arrests followed.
Those who remain in charge of their companies receive state support in exchange for investing strategically on behalf of the Kremlin.
Bannon and Putin’s Economic Nationalism
The financial crash of 2008 hit the Russian Oligarchs extremely hard. But many of America’s billionaires, too, suffered immense losses.
To influential figures on the right, it began to seem that not only were free markets a potential source of social instability (they were seen to have contributed to erasing traditional hierarchies of race and gender), but a global economy at the mercy of increasingly complex financial instruments could not be guaranteed to concentrate wealth in what they saw as the right hands, i.e. those with conservative Christian values.
Steve Bannon and his allies (including the Mercers and others on the elite, far-right Council for National Policy) became the ideologues of what they misleadingly termed “economic nationalism.” They claimed to be angry about the 2008 financial crisis because ordinary people were made to suffer by the reckless behavior of the banks.
That position, of course, makes sense and is appealing to the liberals who Bannon is addressing whenever he talks to the mainstream media. But he also has an unrelated set of objections.
In a speech to the Vatican in 2014, Bannon described the erosion of the form of capitalism that is built on a “Judaeo-Christian foundation” (“Judaeo-Christian is a knowingly anti-semitic term implying the supersession of Judaism by Christianity). It has been replaced, he says, by Wall Street’s “securitization of everything”, looking at everything “as a securitization opportunity” rather than investing in businesses that deliver something of real value. Wall Street has eroded the distinction between commercial banks and investment banks, one that Bannon wants to reinstate.
His ideas are strikingly similar to those expressed by Vladimir Putin after the financial crisis in a 2009 speech to the World Economic Forum.
Dark Money and Dirty Data in Nigel Farage and Steve Bannon’s Foreign Money Vehicle
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From Free Markets to Backroom Deals
Like Bannon, Putin claims to be concerned primarily about ordinary working people, though like Bannon, none of his actions have born this out. Like Bannon, he views the crisis as having been caused by the “disproportions between the scale of financial operations and the fundamental value of assets,” as well as those between “the increased burden on international loans and the sources of their collateral.”
Putin wants to see a “reversion to fundamental asset value” and says “the economy of the future must become an economy of real values.” This means not allowing international finance to destabilize an economy in which entrepreneurs develop socially and strategically valuable goods.
The 2008 crisis, Putin says, has shown that globalization and securitization together have dragged down economies across the world, regardless of their political or economic system, so that everyone is at the mercy of the weakest links in the chain.
WeWork founder Adam Neumann thought, before the collapse of his company, that he, Jared Kushner, and Mohammed bin Salman could together solve the problems of the Middle East.
What both Putin and Bannon understand is that if you want to pursue strategic, political or social ends through private enterprise, you can’t rely on free markets, especially heavily securitized markets, to deliver the necessary stability.
In his Vatican speech, Bannon had praised Putin as a comrade in arms in a war for “Judaeo-Christian values” against the forces of “Islamo-fascism.”
As an adviser to the Trump campaign and transition team, Bannon evidently tried to put together, with the help of Putin, state-supported energy deals that would advance shared geopolitical goals.
During the transition period following the 2016 election, their representatives, including Bannon’s friend Erik Prince and Putin’s emissary, Kirill Dmitriev (CEO of the Russia Direct Investment Fund, a sovereign wealth fund set up to create partnerships with the sovereign wealth funds of other countries), held meetings that also involved the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Israel, with the intention of striking deals that would alter the balance of power in the Middle East, isolating Iran and ultimately delivering nuclear technologies to their allies in Saudi Arabia.
Trump’s Oligarch’s Fail – but Silicon Valley Steps In
Robert Mueller’s report tells us that on January 16th, 2017, Dmitriev, outlined for his “boss”, Vladimir Putin, the ways in which the US and Russia might develop greater cooperation. He then arranged a phone conversation between Trump and Putin on January 28th to discuss the plan.
Apart from keeping open lines of communication between “key people” and maintaining an open dialogue, Dmitriev recommended that the two countries work on “jointly fighting terrorism,” on “jointly engaging in anti-weapons of mass destruction efforts,” and “developing “win-win” economic and investment initiatives.” But the subsequent arrest of a key player, General Michael Flynn, put on hold the nuclear power deal that was central to this project.
They were unsuccessful. America doesn’t yet have loyal oligarchs in the Russian mould reliably advancing its geopolitical aims.
Peter Thiel (CEO of Palantir) has warned in a New York Times op-ed that Google’s relationship with China is “seemingly treasonous.”
The attempts being made by US billionaires to shape the world are often laughable. A Vanity Fair article recently revealed that WeWork founder Adam Neumann thought, before the collapse of his company, that he, Jared Kushner, and Mohammed bin Salman could together solve the problems of the Middle East, in part by employing his business model in the West Bank and Gaza. He was a consultant on Kushner’s Middle East peace plan.
But what America, like Russia, does have is a handful of billionaires who have benefited enormously from government funding and support, who reap immense profits, and hoard their wealth in off-shore companies.
They are the heads of the large Silicon Valley companies, Apple, Google, Amazon, Facebook, and Microsoft, whose fortunes were made with the help of tax-payer dollars, through mechanisms such as the Small Business Innovation Research Program and the non-profit venture capital funds established by US defense and intelligence agencies, the most successful being the CIA’s pioneering fund, In-Q-Tel.
They have developed technologies considered necessary for national security purposes, whilst maintaining the patents, commercializing the products, and reaping unparalleled financial rewards. But they are not bound to serve only the national security interests of the US. Their bottom line is commercial.
When it profits Google to develop AI technologies in China they do. There are standing tensions between Google and the Pentagon over the fact that Google’s AI lab in Beijing, which has been creating products (such as Tensorflow, software used to analyze big data and predict outcomes) that can be converted by the Chinese back into tools for the military.
Donald Trump, the ‘America First’ president, who was quick to engage in a trade war with China, seems unlikely to tolerate such behavior for long. His friend, the tech entrepreneur Peter Thiel (CEO of Palantir, a tech company that has won important national security contracts with the DHS, FBI, NSA, CDC, the Marine Corps, the Air Force, and Special Operations Command, among other agencies) has warned in a New York Times op-ed that Google’s relationship with China is “seemingly treasonous.”
Steve Bannon expressed the view, in a 2018 conversation with CNN’s Oliver Darcy, that the big tech companies should be broken up and Big Data put in a public trust. Given the role that Bannon’s company, Cambridge Analytica (with help from Palantir) played in the 2016 election, we can assume this view is rooted in a strong sense of the political power such companies hold.
So one of the greatest questions we face now is: what will the big tech companies do to hold onto their power?
We’re beginning to see answers. In October, an audio recording of a conversation Mark Zuckerberg held with some of his employees the previous July was leaked. In it, Zuckerberg described Democratic presidential candidate Elizabeth Warren’s plans to break up big tech companies as an “existential threat” to his company.
In September, Zuckerberg met privately with Donald Trump ahead of hearings in Congress about Facebook’s policies on political advertisements and on their planned cryptocurrency. A few days after the meeting Zuckerberg announced that Facebook would not ban lying in political ads. It has now been revealed that Zuckerberg had a second secretive meeting with Trump around the same time – a small private dinner at the White House. Peter Thiel was also a guest.
We need to start giving thought now to what a second-term Trump, gloves off, with loyal oligarchs in charge of enormously powerful companies, an ally in the Kremlin, and the judiciary already in hand, could do – and whether our democracy is better equipped than Russia’s to survive it.
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Helderman et al., WashPost
A month after staying at the Spanish estate of Alejandro Betancourt Lpez, Giuliani attended a meeting with a top Justice Department official to argue he should not face charges in a money-laundering case. RealClearInvestigations – Homepage
A month after staying at the Spanish estate of Alejandro Betancourt Lpez, Giuliani attended a meeting with a top Justice Department official to argue he should not face charges in a money-laundering case. RealClearInvestigations – Homepage
The sense of dwelling in parallel universes is spreading.
Everyone is aware that the media feel forever divided into two camps with mirror-graphic sights of Donald Trump, the Democrats, Ukraine and impeachment. They may even vary on Conan the pet.
But now the panoply of investigations also appears to dwell in dueling realities. Partisans can select their most well-liked probe and dismiss the many others. The same is genuine for polls.
The investigation that gets the most ink and airtime, useless to say, is the House impeachment inquiry. And that is been subjected to limitless debate about regardless of whether the Dems are managing the Republicans unfairly and the reliability of the witnesses—not to mention Trump’s need that Adam Schiff be pressured to testify at a Senate trial.
BLOOMBERG Information PUNTS ON Prospect BLOOMBERG AND DEMS, BUT NOT TRUMP
And which is the point—if you really do not like the Household proceedings, you target on a Senate impeachment trial (if there is just one) run by the GOP.
But numerous Trump supporters are much more focused on an investigation by the Justice Department’s inspector general, with a report thanks early up coming month. That examines the FBI’s dealing with of the starting of the Russia probe, which has lengthy been a fixation for some on the proper, fueled by the president’s constant insistence that his campaign was targeted for unlawful spying.
Based on leaks to the Washington Post and New York Periods, IG Michael Horowitz seems all set to provide a combined verdict. The probe is reported to have located “sloppy and unprofessional” conduct by some of all those associated at the tail close of the Obama administration. The FBI is explained to have forced out a minimal-stage law firm who disliked Trump—and who improperly altered a document connected to the FISA surveillance request for Trump campaign aide Carter Site.
But the other universe is represented by the IG’s overall locating that the FBI was justified in opening a counterintelligence investigation and that it was not tainted by political bias on the section of Jim Comey, Andrew McCabe or Peter Strzok (three major Trump targets).
And for all those who aren’t delighted with that investigation, there is yet another universe about in this article with a parallel inquiry. John Durham, a U.S. attorney, was assigned by William Barr to assessment the origins of the Russia probe, and that has now been elevated to a legal investigation.
The courts are another arena in which you can find your preferred litigation.
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In just one case, U.S. District Decide Ketanji Brown Jackson dominated that ex-White Residence counsel Don McGahn ought to testify in the Household impeachment. In a ruling that will excite Trump critics, the judge claimed that “presidents are not kings. They do not have topics, sure by loyalty or blood, whose future they are entitled to management.” (The final decision is remaining appealed.)
That prompted the president to tweet Tuesday that he needs McGahn, and John Bolton (“a patriot”), could testify. “I would appreciate to have Mike Pompeo, Rick Perry, Mick Mulvaney and quite a few other individuals testify about the phony Impeachment Hoax. It is a Democrat Rip-off.” The trouble, Trump states, is he desires to protect the rights of long run presidents.
But if you prefer, Trump just received a tactical victory in yet another circumstance. The Supreme Courtroom blocked a Residence committee from receiving access to Trump’s money data. That, in turn, will involve one more parallel universe—a blatant stop run in which the Manhattan DA’s office is in search of Trump’s tax returns just after Congress could not get them at the federal stage.
At last, there’s the video game of pick-your-have-polls.
The president declared the other day: “Support for impeachment is dropping like a rock, down into the 20s in some Polls.”
Apart from no one could uncover these a poll. In simple fact, in a CNN poll Tuesday that’s in line with recent surveys, 50 percent assistance impeachment and removal, and 43 per cent do not. About the very best that can be mentioned is that the Dwelling hearings never seem to be to have boosted aid for impeachment.
But hey, if you’re not wild about this poll, just wait around till 1 additional to your liking arrives together.
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Instead of one thing, I was struck this week by a trio of absurdities.
First, the Democratic inquisitors running President Donald Trump’s impeachment have swapped out quid pro quo for a bribery charge, concerning the infamous “favor” Trump sought from Ukranian President Volodymyr Zelensky. The New York Times subsequently oozed praise for bribery talk as the Democrats’ “sharper, simpler vocabulary.”
Yet the Democrats actually conducted secret focus groups in pivotal congressional districts and learned bribery — relative to QPQ or extortion — offered “a more compelling description of Trump’s conduct,” according to the Washington Examiner. Impeachment is a political, not legal, process, and Democrats’ use of focus groups only reinforces they are playing pure partisan politics with impeachment, and not really concerned about upholding the Constitution.
Secondly, speaking of the Times, county commissioners in Citrus County, Florida, shot down the idea of spending $2,700 for an annual subscription to the digital version of the Times for their 70,000 constituents with public library cards. One commissioner who opposed the purchase said he wouldn’t vote for “fake news.” “I don’t want The New York Times in the county,” he added.
Evidently, two others agreed, as the board voted 3-2 to reject the Times after a hot and lengthy public debate, in which the very foundation of the First Amendment hung in the balance, or something. The board’s anti-Times stance went national, and liberals reacted pretty much as you would expect them to: roundly criticizing the commission’s majority while ignoring the repeated goofs the Times has committed covering Trump.
Librarians were particularly outraged. Writing in The Washington Post, Anthony W. Marx, president and chief executive of the New York Public Library, said the vote was “more evidence that our nation is in crisis, its basic principles and values under attack.” Oh my. Meanwhile, two leaders of the Florida Library Association penned an op-ed for the Tallahassee paper that denounced the majority for “denying their constituents the ability to seek and receive information from a wide range of viewpoints and formats.” “They are overriding the recommendation of library professionals, not due to budgetary or public safety concerns but because the viewpoint of that publication does not match their own.”
Well, apparently overlooked by many Trump haters in this controversy is what a county spokeswoman told me: “The Citrus County Library System subscriptions include two full weekly and two Sunday editions of the print version (of The) New York Times with a cost of $2,990 annually.” And the board’s vote, she added, was “to keep the print version and not subscribe to the digital version at this time.” So, once all the pearl-clutching and staggering to the fainting couch is done, Citrus County still makes two copies of the Times available — and pays more to do so.
Finally, speaking of impeachment, Trump confidante and longtime Republican dirty trickster Roger Stone was recently convicted for, among other things, lying to Congress during Robert Mueller’s investigation. Four other former Trump associates — Michael Cohen, Michael Flynn, Rick Gates and George Papadopoulos — also were convicted of lying to the FBI or to Congress during Mueller’s probe.
Congress, however, should be thankful it’s not a crime for lawmakers to lie to us. Otherwise we would not have to wonder how California Democratic Rep. Adam Schiff, leader of the impeachment inquiry, would look in an orange jumpsuit.
For two years during Mueller’s investigation, Schiff publicly lied about having “secret” evidence that Trump colluded with Russkies.
More recently, Schiff lied about the impeachment whistleblower coordinating — colluding? — with his staff before filing his complaint.
At another impeachment hearing, Schiff asserted he did not know the whistleblower’s identity, but then quashed Republicans’ attempts to bring him up — raising the question of how would Schiff know GOP lawmakers were referring to the whistleblower, unless he knew the whistleblower’s identity.
Schiff then claimed the whistleblower’s right to anonymity is guaranteed by federal law, when no such law exists, except applicable to the intelligence community’s inspector general’s office.
Then Schiff recently told NPR, “I don’t think any decision has been made on the ultimate question about whether articles of impeachment should be brought.” Four days later at the California Democratic Party convention, according to Newsweek, Schiff made “allusions” to impeachment and then bellowed to the crowd, “We will send that charlatan in the White House back to the golden throne he came from,” adding, “There is nothing more dangerous than an unethical president who believes he is above the law.” Unless it is an unethical congressman imbued with a hyperinflated sense of self-importance and a zealot’s blinkered sense of mission.
Just remember: This, too, shall pass.
Bill Thompson (bill.thompson@theledger.com) is the editorial page editor of The Ledger in Lakeland, Florida.
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4 Takeaways From a Close Look at Elliott Broidy – The New …
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Get to know Elliott Broidy, the next major Trump scandal figure …
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Welcome to THE COMMONS — News and Views for Windham County, Vermont | ||
West Brattleboro
The president of the United States is a Russian asset — which, as the dictionary describes it, is “a useful or valuable thing, person, or quality.”
I’ve followed Donald Trump since my reporting days in 1980s Manhattan. One of my first scoops came when I was digging into the Marcos dictatorship and found that six condos in the Trump Tower had been bought by a shell corporation linked to Imelda Marcos for about $25 million.
Now, after three years of following the news intensively, including a deep dive into what can be found on the internet and studies of the Mueller report and the Steele dossier, I can come to no other conclusion than that Trump is working on behalf of the Russian state.
It is a complicated story, with a lot of moving pieces. House Democrats have done well to keep the story simple and stick to the facts of the Ukraine “quid pro quo” and Trump’s abuse of office in this specific instance. The Ukraine matter is a small piece of the larger story that would be too complicated — and, perhaps, also darker than anything that we are ready to face.
After weeks of testimony and days of public hearings, the facts of the Ukraine story are clear: Trump abused his power to run a rogue foreign-policy operation focused on having the Ukrainian government dig up nonexistent dirt about Joe Biden, his leading Democratic political opponent, as well as Biden’s son, Hunter, who took $50,000 a month to sit on the board of Burisma, a Ukraine energy company.
Trump ordered that defense aid to Ukraine be withheld, and he used the aid in an attempt to bribe the new president of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelensky, to publicly announce investigations: one into the Biden family, and another into a discredited theory that Ukraine, not Russia, launched disinformation attacks designed to tip the 2016 election in Trump’s favor. That fiction was put to rest by Fiona Hill, Trump’s own former National Security Council advisor on Russia, in her recent public testimony.
Despite these past weeks of testimony and a confirmation of the basic lines of the story, Trump will likely be acquitted in the Senate after being impeached by the House. His future claim of exoneration — coupled with his massive lead in fundraising and with divisions within the Democratic Party — might result in his re-election a year from now with a minority of the popular vote.
If that scenario unfolds, then Vladimir Putin will have his man in Washington for another four years.
And the real story — the full story of how Moscow gained such power in United States affairs and is gradually destroying our democracy — might remain untold.
* * *
To be an asset, Trump did not necessarily have to join in a conscious, willing agreement with the Russian state, nor does he necessarily have to believe that, in serving the interests of Putin and the Russian oligarchy, he is doing anything wrong.
Some have suggested that the Russians have kompromat on Trump — secret information to compromise him, a strategy at which Russian intelligence is expert. Among them include Hill, who made the suggestion in her testimony and is one of the foremost experts on Russia in the United States.
It may be that a full accounting of Trump’s business dealings would reveal how deeply indebted his fortune is to Russian money. Given Moscow’s well-documented skill at kompromat, it is possible (though it remains unproven) that Putin is holding personal, humiliating evidence against him.
Still, it seems also possible that in Trump’s worldview, which is essentially a New York City gangster perspective from the 1970s and 1980s, he’s just doing business with the Russians — they’ve done him some favors, and he’s done some in return.
Maybe it’s not personal, in that old line from The Godfather. Maybe it’s strictly business.
* * *
Is Trump a dupe, or a willing actor? It’s hard to know.
What, for example, is one to make of the president’s July 25 phone call with Zelensky?
Trump was at least as interested in the conspiracy-theory part of the “favor” he was asking of the Ukraine president as he was in the activities of Hunter Biden.
That angle — involving a cybersecurity firm called CrowdStrike and a supposed server in Ukraine — has not received the same attention as the Biden element, partly because we are in a political season. But it’s also because this conspiracy theory — which ultimately claims that Ukraine, not Russia, was responsible for interfering in the 2016 election — has been entirely discredited by U.S. intelligence and national security.
In her testimony, Hill made this point directly to Devin Nunes, the minority leader on the House Intelliegence Committee and one of the strongest purveryors of the CrowdStrike myth. The interchange was the headline in the home-pages of The Washington Post, New York Times, and CNN on Thursday last week.
In a long telephone interview with Fox News on Friday, Trump again lied about the theory, saying that it was true.
It is a strange theory that can be traced back from Trump to his former campaign manager, Paul Manafort, then to Manafort’s former political associate Konstantin Kilimnik, who is closely associated with Russian intelligence, according to numerous press reports. In 2017, Vladimir Putin publicly articulated the Ukraine election conspiracy theory, and around that time it began to be a driver of Trump’s approach to the Ukraine.
Would pushing this lie be part of an overall strategy on Trump’s part, or is he just a pawn in a much more complex game than he’s ever played before?
Perhaps Trump is just a useful idiot, in that old Cold War phrase. Perhaps he is an active agent.
Either way, it doesn’t matter. Trump’s presidency is a threat to U.S. national security.
* * *
To understand how Trump became a Russian asset, it is necessary to understand the nature of the Russian state and its motivations. It is important to know what the real stakes are.
Americans my age grew up during the Cold War. It infused every aspect of our lives in ways no one born in the past 40 years can easily understand, from the 1950s through the 1980s, from ducking under school desks in nuclear-war drills to watching The Day After in the Reagan years.
The fall of the Berlin Wall and dissolution of the Soviet Union were welcomed with great fervor and relief as symbols of the end of the Cold War. When Francis Fukuyama published The End of History and the Last Man in 1992, arguing that we had entered a new global period in which conflict between superpowers would no longer be the dominant force, it seemed that his argument might be true.
It wasn’t.
In the 20 years since Putin took power, Russia has steadily worked to regain the global standing that it lost in the 1990s, fighting vicious wars against separatists in Chechnya and another war with Georgia. Most recently, Russia invaded Ukraine and annexed Crimea, which had been a key Soviet naval port on the Black Sea.
This Russian revanchism has been obvious and sustained under Putin. So, too, has been the increasing absence of any pretense to democracy in the nation.
The Russia that was first re-established in the massive privatization of state-run enterprises in the late 1990s is now an oligarchy and a gangster state, with Putin as the godfather.
Putin was selected by oligarchs, who thought that the former KGB colonel could bring order to the Russian state and that they could control him.
This turned out not to be the case. Two oligarchs who did try to oppose Putin as he consolidated power were handled brutally and imprisoned. The rest of the oligarchy fell into line.
The Russian economy is essentially controlled by a group of oligarchs with Putin sitting at the head of the table and wielding nearly absolute power, including the authority granted in 2006 legislation to order extra-judicial killings with almost no oversight.
The primary interest of the Russian state is to destabilize the Western democracies — the same nations that had been arranged against Soviet power during the Cold War — and to regain influence with European nations like Hungary and Poland, once satellite states of the Soviet empire.
It’s a new sort of cold war now, but it has similarities to the old one. Wars are still fought in proxy states, but these are as likely to be political battles as they are military ones, waged with the tools of the internet age.
The Russian invasion of Georgia was accompanied by a massive cyberattack, just as the U.S. has used cyberattacks to interrupt development of nuclear capability in Iran and North Korea.
Meanwhile, we’ve seen the rise of populist, anti-democratic parties across Europe, stemming in part from the ways in which the disaster of the Arab Spring, especially in Syria and Libya, has created a flood of refugees into Europe and sparked a rise in racist and ethnocentric xenophobia.
All serve Russia’s interests, and the country’s role in seeking to shape the outcome in the 2016 presidential election must be seen in this context.
If Russia hoped to further the destabilization of U.S. democracy by supporting Trump in the race, it certainly got its wish.
Traditional political norms have been discarded. The United States is more divided than it has been since the 1850s. Pundits in the mainstream media routinely question whether our republic can survive.
Whether Trump is impeached by the House, whether he is convicted or is acquitted in the Senate, whether he wins or loses next November, the nation has been and will continue to be deeply weakened by the developments of the past three years.
Russia is our most dangerous and most difficult strategic opponent. Yet, starting from the beginning of his campaign and continuing through this very moment, Trump has treated the country as an ally, subverting a national security consensus that had been the norm between Democrats and Republicans since World War II.
This behavior might be the purest evidence to make the case that Trump is a Russian asset.
* * *
Why has Trump — a man with no stable convictions — done this? Nothing in the long arc of his public life points to him ever caring about politics and policy except as they might serve his own interests.
The answer may lie in that old line from All the President’s Men: “Follow the money.”
Trump was born with a gold spoon in his mouth, and he burst on the Manhattan scene in the 1980s, with his Trump Tower fitting lavishly into the narrative of greed that dominated the Reagan years.
But he was bad at business: The New York Times reported in May that tax records show how Trump lost nearly $1 billion between 1985 and 1994. This reporting offers one of the few documented pieces of evidence we have about Trump’s finances.
Trump tried to use highly leveraged financial positions to build a casino empire in the Northeast. He failed. His casinos went bankrupt. He managed to stem off total disaster by using bankruptcy laws, fleecing his creditors in the process. But by the end of the 1990s, he was essentially out of the real-estate business, and no U.S. bank would lend him money.
Trump did manage to gain backing from Deutsche Bank — since implicated in Russian money-laundering activity — on some deals, but in this period he essentially changed from being a real-estate developer to a brand.
He signed licensing agreements that lent his name to various enterprises, from golf courses to vodka and for-profit education.
He also created the role of himself on The Apprentice, a long-running reality television show that made him famous beyond the New York area. The show brought him in more than $200 million over 14 seasons — good money, but nothing like the billions that the president claims he is worth.
About 15 years ago, according to a number of press reports, Trump began to receive funds from individuals and entities in other nations.
Oligarchs and strongmen from various nations and drug cartels can launder their money by purchasing luxury real estate in stable places like London, Manhattan, and Miami.
Using shell companies, they buy up condos in luxury buildings or mansions in gated communities, leaving spaces that often stand virtually empty for years. They can also move money into real estate by being quiet partners in building developments. And in so doing, they render billions of dollars of wealth essentially invisible in the global economy.
Trump might have been one of the players. Close to bankruptcy in the early 2000s, his business fortunes changed suddenly in that time, in part through an association with the Bayrock Group, run by Tevfik Arif, a former Soviet official born in Kazakhstan, and Felix Sater, a Russian businessman convicted in the 1990s in a stock-fraud scheme involving the Russian mafia.
An article by Michael Hirsh in the Dec. 21, 2018 issue of Foreign Policy states things clearly:
“By the time he ran for president, Trump had been enmeshed in this mysterious overseas flow of capital—which various investigators believe could have included money launderers from Russia and former Soviet republics who bought up dozens of his condos—for a decade and a half.”
Trump’s son, Donald Jr., told an audience at a 2008 international real estate conference that “Russians make up a pretty disproportionate cross-section of a lot of our assets.”
Six years later, Eric Trump said much the same thing in response to questions about how the Trump Organization could find the resources to buy so many golf courses.
Most of these sort of private-company business dealings are hidden, but at least one has been widely reported.
In 2008, Trump bought a Palm Beach oceanside property for about $42 million, and then four years later sold it for $95 million to Dmitry Rybolovlev, a Russian oligarch known as “the fertilizer king.”
* * *
Perhaps Trump’s business dealings wouldn’t matter so much if it were not so clear that his 2016 campaign was deeply entangled with Russian influences and, if as president, he has not been so transparent and relentless in siding with a U.S. adversary.
Since he took office, Trump’s actions have consistently undercut five decades of U.S. consensus on national security.
It took extraordinary effort on the part of Trump’s national security team at the time to produce even a statement that our nation would continue to honor its commitment to NATO, the 29-country intergovernmental military alliance.
Trump has kept secret his conversations with Putin at different international occasions, even having his interpreter’s notes confiscated. No one knows what the two leaders have talked about.
The president has openly discussed highly classified material in the White House with the Russian foreign minister and ambassador, giving U.S. intelligence services reason to hurriedly pull one of its most highly placed assets within the Russian government.
Trump has continually argued that Russia should be re-admitted into the G-7 and have economic sanctions lifted, despite the country’s invasion of Ukraine in violation of international law — an act for which the country was removed from the group in 2014.
And on his own, the president withheld vital military aid to the Ukraine, including anti-tank missiles that might level the playing field in that ongoing war, in defiance of a national-security approach that both Republicans and Democrats agree on.
* * *
Russia has always played the hard game when it comes to espionage and politics.
We’ve seen that in stories about extra-judicial killings, often by poison, and in strange stories like the deaths of nine Russian diplomats in the nine months after Trump was elected, including the sudden deaths of a New York consular official and the Russian ambassador to the United Nations, neither of which was adequately explained.
In the Soviet era, we just took this sort of thing for granted.
One of the things I remember very well is a joke told during the last phase of the old Cold War in the 1980s, when I was a journalist at Newsweek.
Three diplomats — one British, one American, and one Russian — are set the task of getting a cat to eat hot mustard.
The British diplomat seeks to coax the kitty to eat the mustard, holding the plate in his hand and crooning, “Here, kitty; here, kitty.” The cat turns and stalks away.
The U.S. diplomat is more purposeful. He grabs the plate of mustard, strides toward the cat, and tries to force its face into the plate. The cat claws his arm and whirls away.
The Russian diplomat takes the plate and scoops a gob of mustard onto his thumb, then grabs the cat by the scruff of its neck and stabs the mustard against its backside. The cat races away, frantically licking the mustard from its butt.
That’s the Russian approach.
That’s Putin with the mustard on his thumb.
And Trump is the cat.
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M.N.: The real Coup was in 2016… | ||
The real Coup was in 2016, and it was performed by the corrupt, pro neo-Nazi oriented, Abwehr bought and subverted, the Rightist wing of the GOP, the Broidy-Manafort ring in its latest reincarnation; and by the other alumni of the Abwehr Law School, a.k.a. Roy Cohn’s Law Firm: Little Duce Giuliani, “dirty trickster” Roger Stone, and their circles, climbing and clawing their ways to Power and Money. And apparently, some officers of the New York Branch of the FBI were their ideological and operational “stormtroopers”. Search the Anthony Weiner sexting affair scandal as FBI operation, much under-researched, under-investigated, and under-publicized.
If only a part of all these legitimate and well based suspicions and accusations against the New York branch of the FBI are proven or sufficiently demonstrated, this question would be quite legitimate: Was at least a part of the NY FBI branch corrupt, rotten, in Trump’s pocket, and under possible influences of the foreign agents?
Investigate the “STORMTROOPERS” – the alleged “pro-Trumpists” within the NY branch of the FBI, and look into the general health of the whole branch.
Investigate James Kallstrom and others!
Investigate the Abwehr – Roy Cohn Law School and all its “graduates”.
Investigate the political corruption in both parties.
Investigate the corruption and failures within the FBI, and their root causes. The proof is in the pudding, sadly but undeniably.
Michael Novakhov | 7:38 AM 11/26/2019 – Post Link
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Rightist wing of the GOP – Google Search | ||
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real American Coup was in 2016 – Google Search | ||
Opinion | The Real Coup Plot Is Trump’s – The New York Times
https://www.nytimes.com › 2017/12/20 › opinion › trump-republican-coup
Dec 20, 2017 – The true purveyors of fake news, he claimed, were television networks like CNN and newspapers … “We have a coup on our hands in America.
List of coups d’état and coup attempts by country – Wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org › wiki › List_of_coups_d’état_and_coup_attempts…
This is a list by country of coups d’état and coup attempts, in chronological order. …. October 8, 2016: Blaise Compaore loyalists and former presidential guards failed to …. April 27, 1981; Failed coup attempt by American and Canadian Neo-
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giuliani and Kallstrom – Google Search | ||
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Opinion | The Real F.B.I. Election Culprit – The New York Times | ||
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giuliani and Kallstrom – Google Search | ||
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West Brattleboro
The president of the United States is a Russian asset — which, as the dictionary describes it, is “a useful or valuable thing, person, or quality.”
I’ve followed Donald Trump since my reporting days in 1980s Manhattan. One of my first scoops came when I was digging into the Marcos dictatorship and found that six condos in the Trump Tower had been bought by a shell corporation linked to Imelda Marcos for about $25 million.
Now, after three years of following the news intensively, including a deep dive into what can be found on the internet and studies of the Mueller report and the Steele dossier, I can come to no other conclusion than that Trump is working on behalf of the Russian state.
It is a complicated story, with a lot of moving pieces. House Democrats have done well to keep the story simple and stick to the facts of the Ukraine “quid pro quo” and Trump’s abuse of office in this specific instance. The Ukraine matter is a small piece of the larger story that would be too complicated — and, perhaps, also darker than anything that we are ready to face.
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