8:21 AM 11/20/2019 - Judge Says The FBI Can't Keep Refusing To Confirm Or Deny The Existence Of Social Media Monitoring Documents | Opinion: High Profile Spy Companies Are Damaging Israel’s Image Israel’s tech ecosystem is world-renowned for its innovation, but companies like NSO, Black Cube, and AnyVision...

NSO co-founders Omri Lavie (right) and Shalev Hulio. Photo: Bar Cohen

8:21 AM 11/20/2019Judge Says The FBI Can't Keep Refusing To Confirm Or Deny The Existence Of Social Media Monitoring Documents | Opinion: High Profile Spy Companies Are Damaging Israel’s Image Israel’s tech ecosystem is world-renowned for its innovation, but companies like NSO, Black Cube, and AnyVision...

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Judge Says The FBI Can't Keep Refusing To Confirm Or Deny The Existence Of Social Media Monitoring Documents

from the that-thing-we're-all-doing...-we-can't-really-say-we're-doing-it dept

The ACLU is one step closer to obtaining documents detailing the FBI's use of social media monitoring tools. The FBI replied to the ACLU's FOIA request with a Glomar and a denial.
First, it neither confirmed nor denied it had responsive records. Then it said even if it did have some, it still wouldn't release them. According to the FBI, releasing documents about the government's well-known use of social media monitoring software would somehow allow criminals to take a peek at super-secret law enforcement tools. It made these assertions despite the fact it publicly secured contracts for social media monitoring tools.
The ACLU sued. And now, it's obtained at least a partial victory. The court says it's not quite accurate to say the DOJ has already publicly acknowledged use of social media monitoring tools. Citing the ACLU's victory in an FOIA lawsuit over drone strike documents, the court points out the bar to clear first is whether it can be said the DOJ -- not the FBI -- has made it clear it's in the social media monitoring business. From the decision [PDF]:
[ACLU v. CIA] does not suggest that the known use of a technique by one agency creates public knowledge of use by a different agency, unless it is publicly known that the agency’s parent agency utilizes that technique. Here, the FBI’s parent agency is the Department of Justice, and the ACLU presents no evidence that it is publicly known that the Department of Justice utilizes the social media monitoring techniques in question.
But that's not the end of the discussion. The FBI works with several other federal agencies and the documents requested would cover any secondhand use of monitoring tools. So, is it public knowledge other federal agencies engage in social media monitoring?
Given the wide array of evidence indicating (1) that other agencies engage in social media monitoring in the immigration and transportation contexts, and (2) that those agencies cooperate, coordinate, and share information with the FBI, the Court also considers whether such evidence makes it possible to impute, for purposes of applying Exemption 7(E), social media monitoring in the immigration and transportation contexts to the FBI. The ACLU presents extensive evidence that the Department of Homeland Security (“DHS”), U.S. Customs and Border Patrol (“CBP”), U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (“USCIS”), Immigration and Customs Enforcement (“ICE”), and the Department of State (“DOS”) engage in social media monitoring.
Following this are six straight pages detailing these agencies and their monitoring programs, all of which have previously been discussed publicly. But that still isn't enough.
[T]he Court finds that the weight of authority suggests that the ACLU cannot seek disclosure of the FBI’s policies based on other agencies having disclosed their own policies, together with acknowledgement that they share information with the FBI.
If this seems to be going the government's way, it actually isn't. The Glomar and the attached exemption don't pair as well as the government would like. The Glomar, at least, is a step too far in the direction of unjustified opacity.
The problem for Defendants is that disclosure of social media surveillance—a well known general technique—would not reveal the specific means of surveillance. Denying a Glomar response would only reveal in general the application of a known technique by the FBI to immigration- or transportation-related investigations. Merely requiring the FBI to answer whether there are documents of the kind requested would not, at this juncture, require the disclosure of those documents which might reveal specific tools and techniques utilized by the FBI.
The government then argued denying a Glomar might expose the FBI's lack of social media monitoring. The court says the FBI can't have its Glomar and its FOIA exemption if it wants to make that argument.
[T]he language of Exemption 7(E) refers only to disclosure of techniques and procedures, and not to the lack of any such technique or procedure, and the Ninth Circuit has limited the application of “risk of circumvention” of the law under Exemption 7(E) to guidelines, not techniques and procedures. Hence, it is not clear whether Defendant’s negative inference argument is cognizable under Exemption 7(E).
In the end, it's the level of perceived harm that gives the ACLU a shot at obtaining these records. The FBI and DOJ claim any release of info would result in criminal mayhem due to criminals suddenly being made aware of the existence of social media monitoring programs. The court says that's just not going to happen.
[T]he risk of criminal activity escaping detection thru social media if the FBI were to reveal it has no records is substantially mitigated by two facts. First, it is well known that many related agencies do engage in social media surveillance in the immigration centers and share that information. This lessens the risk that people will be emboldened by the FBI’s disclosure to spread criminal or terrorist messages through social media. Second, even if the FBI were to disclose it has no records of purchasing or acquiring products or services used to surveil social media, that does not mean that the FBI has no such tools at its disposal, as it could have developed such tools internally.
This kills the FBI's Glomar. It will now have to at least confirm or deny it has records relevant to the ACLU's request. And once it's done that, it can start arguing about whether or not it can use Exemption 7(e) to keep them out of the ACLU's hands. Given the previous paragraph, it's difficult to see how the FBI can possibly justify a refusal to release any of the documents it may (or may not lol) have on hand. Social media monitoring efforts are well-known in the public and private sectors. If the FBI is doing something new and interesting with this, it might have a point. But if it's just doing the same thing other agencies are doing, it really can't justify rejecting this request.
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mikenov on Twitter: Opinion High Profile Spy Companies Are Damaging Israel’s Image Israel’s tech ecosystem is world-renowned for its innovation, but companies like NSO, Black Cube, and AnyVision are casting a... calcalistech.com/ctech/articles…

Opinion
High Profile Spy Companies Are Damaging Israel’s Image
Israel’s tech ecosystem is world-renowned for its innovation, but companies like NSO, Black Cube, and AnyVision are casting a... calcalistech.com/ctech/articles…



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Opinion

High Profile Spy Companies Are Damaging Israel’s Image

Israel’s tech ecosystem is world-renowned for its innovation, but companies like NSO, Black Cube, and AnyVision are casting a sinister shadow over it

Omer Kabir 13:0420.11.19
Over the weekend, the Cyprus Police confiscated a “spy van” that roamed the streets of Larnaca loaded with surveillance equipment valued at $9 million. The owner of the vehicle, according to local reports, is one Tal Dilian, formerly the head of the Israeli military’s intelligence directorate’s tech unit.
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Dilian retired from the Israeli military and turned to the private market 17 years ago and has since become a multimillionaire, according to an extensive profile of him published by Forbes in August.
The Headquarters of unit 8200. Photo: Yariv Katz  The Headquarters of unit 8200. Photo: Yariv Katz


Dilian’s spy van can intercept data such as Whatsapp and Facebook messages, contacts, call logs, and text messages from any phone in a one-kilometer radius, according to Forbes. Other technologies incorporated in the vehicle include facial recognition and the ability to locate all phones in the country within minutes.

The van and the technologies it holds are offered by Dilian’s company, Intellexa Ltd., as part of the spy services it provides to different countries in the world, and its presence in Cyprus was enough to cause some political unrest. In a written statement released Friday, Andros Kyprianou, head of Cyprus’ opposition party, the Progressive Party of Working People, urged the state to operate and immediately confiscate Dilian’s equipment.

Dilian is not an isolated case. He is part of a vast ecosystem of Israeli companies developing and marketing spying and surveillance technologies to other countries and even private entities. Perhaps the most infamous company in this regard is Herzliya-based NSO Group, the developer of phone hacking software Pegasus.

In October, Facebook filed a lawsuit against NSO, claiming the company’s technology was used to piggyback on messaging app subsidiary WhatsApp, targeting more than 1,400 users in 20 countries, many of which were human rights activists and journalists.

One of the many addendums to Facebook’s lawsuit was a 2015 contract signed between the government of Ghana and a local representative for NSO, called Infralocks Development Ltd., and an accompanying pamphlet that outlined NSO’s capabilities. According to the contract, Ghana paid $8 million for NSO’s Pegasus software, for training personnel in using the software, and for ongoing technical support.

This is not the first time NSO’s conduct has been questioned in and outside of court. Earlier in October, Amnesty International published a report accusing NSO of spying on Moroccan human rights activists, previously harassed by their government.

In 2016, researchers from the University of Toronto's Citizen Lab, a digital and human rights research group, reported that a spyware developed and marketed by NSO was used in the United Arab Emirates to target human rights activist Ahmed Mansoor, who has been incarcerated since 2017 and is currently serving a 10-year sentence for posts he published on social media. In 2017, the group again pointed fingers at NSO's spyware, this time reporting it was used to target activists, journalists, and political opposition in Mexico.



NSO co-founders Omri Lavie (right) and Shalev Hulio. Photo: Bar Cohen NSO co-founders Omri Lavie (right) and Shalev Hulio. Photo: Bar Cohen


In December 2018, an associate of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, who was brutally killed inside his country’s embassy in Istanbul earlier that year, sued NSO, claiming the company’s interception of his communications with Khashoggi significantly contributed to the Saudi regime’s decision to eliminate him. NSO’s connection to Khashoggi was first found by Citizen’s Lab.

Citizen’s Lab also found similar faults in the conduct of another Israeli company, defense contractor Elbit Systems Ltd. In a 2017 report, the organization said that Elbit supplied the Ethiopian regime with a Pegasus-like software, developed by subsidiary Cyberbit Ltd. The state used the software to target journalists and activists advocating for the country’s Oromo minority.

Another Israeli company that has been in the not-so-flattering limelight in the past few weeks is facial recognition startup AnyVision Interactive Technologies Ltd. In October, NBC News and Israeli media outlets reported that Anyvision’s technology was being used by Israeli military forces to spy on Palestinians in the West Bank. AnyVision denied the claims, stating the technology is only being used at checkpoints in the West Bank, but it seems Microsoft, one of its biggest backers, remained less than reassured. On Friday, the software giant announced it had hired former U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder to look into whether the use of AnyVision’s technology by Israeli forces violated any of Microsoft’s ethical AI principles.

Another prominent Israeli actor in the field of surveillance is Black Cube, whose team is reportedly composed of ex-Mossad and former Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet) agents. Among the Israeli officials to hold positions on Black Cube’s board over the years are former Mossad directors Meir Dagan and Efraim Halevy and former chief of the Israeli Police Yohanan Danino.

Black Cube first came to public awareness in 2017 when the New Yorker magazine revealed that now-disgraced Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein contracted it to collect information on an actress accusing him of sexual misconduct. Black Cube has apologized for taking the Weinstein job, but the company has since been linked to several other controversial incidents, including the targeting of officials in the Obama administration, and, allegedly, of a member of Citizen’s Lab.



Tal Dillian. Photo: Amit Sha'al Tal Dillian. Photo: Amit Sha'al


These companies rarely act alone and often maintain business ties between them. For example, Circles Technologies, another surveillance company co-founded by Dilian, was acquired in 2014 by San Francisco-based equity firm Francisco Partners, which merged it into NSO, in which it held a majority stake at the time.

But these companies have an even more dominant common denominator—all of them were established or are staffed by Israeli military and security veterans. People who move on to the private sector after their discharge and use the knowledge, professional expertise, and practical experience they gained in Unit 8200, the Israeli military's equivalent of the NSA, in the Mossad, or in Shin Bet to develop products they sell to the highest bidder. This can be a private entity looking to discredit a business rival or prevent damaging information from coming to light, or countries with a shady record at best when it comes to upholding human rights.

Israel’s tech ecosystem is world-renowned for its innovation but companies like NSO, Black Cube, and AnyVision are casting a sinister shadow over it. In the eyes of the public and the media, Israel is beginning to be painted more and more as a country that helps others—be them states, companies, or individuals—terrorize rivals and strengthen the hold of dark regimes and aggressive corporates. This goes far beyond standard dilemmas on whether the activities of private companies should be limited.

Israel not only trains these companies’ executives, providing them with the required skills to create their products, but it also authorizes all exports of Israeli security technologies, making it even more culpable. Israel can no longer sit back and ignore these atrocities. The Israeli Ministry of Defense, as the body responsible for regulating such sales, can and must do more to prevent Israeli technologies from getting into the wrong hands. The state should also look into ways to prevent the skills with which it endows its soldiers and agents from becoming a commodity sold to the highest bidder. Even if Israel remains unconcerned with the moral implications of these activities, perhaps it should take action to prevent further damage to the carefully constructed image of an advanced democracy it is trying to present to the world.  


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Michael Novakhov - SharedNewsLinks℠: Mustapha Matura, Caribbean Playwright in London, Dies at 79

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Mr. Matura seldom strayed in his work from the rich singsong vernacular of Trinidad and Tobago. In “Welcome Home Jacko” (1979), a story about black political resistance told through the lives of black British teenagers, the title character returns from five years in prison and says: “When I went in people eye was opening, now I come out it closed. Wha happen, wha happen ter all yer? We fight de racist in prison. All yer outside, wha all yer do?”
“Jacko” was the first play produced by Mr. Matura’s Black Theater Cooperative, a company he founded with the British producer and director Charlie Hanson in 1978. Mr. Hanson said in an interview that the play was the first that he knew of to attract black British teenagers to the theater.
In his later years Mr. Matura concentrated on television. He wrote “No Problem!,” a sitcom about five black siblings, and created the series “Black Silk” with the British civil rights lawyer Rudy Narayan in 1985, the same year he adapted “Playboy of the West Indies” for BBC Two. Mr. Matura’s television work remains his most popular.
In addition to his wife, with whom he lived in London, Mr. Matura is survived by their son, Cayal; their daughter, Maya; two children, Dominic and Ann, from an earlier marriage, to Marian Walsh; and six grandchildren.
A jovial man recognizable for his luxurious mustache and for wearing sunglasses indoors, Mr. Matura became immersed in the Caribbean community of West London, frequenting pubs on Portobello Road, playing pool and throwing lines across the tables with other writers.
“What I think fuels the creative engine of Trinidad is good old-fashioned rebellion,” he said in 2016, when accepting an honorary fellowship at Goldsmiths, University of London. “Nonconformity, challenging the accepted, asking the question ‘Why?’”

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