6:15 AM 10/3/2019 - Giuliani consulted on Ukraine with imprisoned Paul Manafort via a lawyer - The Washington Post

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Rudy Giuliani consulted on Ukraine with imprisoned Manafort through a lawyer - The Boston Globe
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Rudy Giuliani consulted on Ukraine with imprisoned Manafort through a lawyer - The Boston Globe
Giuliani’s effort is gaining traction on Capitol Hill. Sen. Charles Grassley, R-Iowa, chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, and Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., chairman of the Homeland Security Committee, have announced their renewal of an inquiry into any coordination between Ukraine and Democratic Party officials.
Manafort, who is serving a 7 1/2-year term in a federal prison in Pennsylvania, has continued to express support for Trump, and Trump has never ruled out giving him a pardon.
Trump’s push on a July 25 call to get Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to investigate the matter, and also to probe Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden, triggered an impeachment inquiry in the House. Many of the accusations Giuliani has been making about Ukraine recycle those that Manafort’s team first promulgated.
Giuliani joined Trump’s legal team in April 2018 to help defend the president against special counsel Robert Mueller’s probe, and the former mayor said he launched his own investigation into Ukraine late last year, which led him to consult with Manafort. He said he has not spoken directly to Manafort in two years.
‘‘It was that I believed there was a lot of evidence that the [Democratic National Committee] and the Clinton campaign had a close connection to Ukrainian officials,’’ Giuliani said, noting that he wasn’t seeking to lay the groundwork for a pardon of Manafort. ‘‘It was all about Trump. I don’t think I could exonerate Manafort.’’
Manafort’s lawyer, Kevin Downing, did not respond to a request for comment.
Giuliani said his consultation with Manafort centered on trying to ascertain the veracity of a secret black ledger obtained by Ukraine’s National Anti-Corruption Bureau, which The New York Times revealed in an August 2016 story. The Times said the ledger recorded $12.7 million in cash payments from Yanukovych’s political party to Manafort. The revelation led Manafort to resign from the campaign.
Giuliani’s narrative recasts Ukrainian accusations in 2016 against Manafort and efforts by Democratic operatives to gather research on Manafort after he took a leading role in Trump’s campaign as a conspiracy involving Ukrainian and American officials to swing the election for Clinton.
As part of that, Giuliani has focused on a theory that Manafort’s team was promoting as early as 2017: that the Ukrainian government separately interfered in the 2016 campaign on behalf of Clinton through the activities of a Ukrainian American contract worker for the DNC, Alexandra Chalupa.
Chalupa confirmed that she worked part-time as an outreach worker for the DNC to Ukrainian Americans and others, and met with Ukrainian officials from the embassy in Washington during that time. She said she ‘‘sounded the alarm’’ on Manafort outside her duties for the DNC, and sought to circulate that information, because she said she was concerned about Manafort’s ties to Yanukovych, who was backed by Russian President Vladimir Putin. She said the Ukrainian Embassy stayed clear of U.S. election matters, even with regard to Manafort.
‘‘The White House has been pushing this narrative to distract from Donald Trump’s gross abuse of power in pressuring a foreign country to interfere in our elections,’’ DNC press secretary Adrienne Watson said in a statement.
There were Ukrainian Americans and people in the Ukrainian anti-corruption movement who were motivated to ‘‘shine a light’’ on Manafort’s activities in Ukraine during 2016, and some Ukrainian Americans were active on behalf of Clinton, said Jeffrey Mankoff, deputy director of the Russia and Eurasia program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, but he said those activities aren’t equivalent to Russia’s state-sponsored intervention, which included the release of stolen emails and an extensive online disinformation campaign.
‘‘One theory has been documented with extensive detail in the mueller report,’’ Mankoff said. ‘‘The other is something that Rudy Giuliani and people in his orbit have conjured up as a way to cast aspersions and confuse the story.’’
Giuliani said Manafort was prosecuted for political reasons so he would ‘‘rat out on Trump,’’ noting that he and Trump both felt sorry for the former campaign chairman, whose treatment was ‘‘a complete indication of how out of control they are in going after Trump.’’
Giuliani said he needed to consult with Manafort through the latter’s lawyer this spring to ask whether a black ledger ever existed.
‘‘I said, ‘Was there really a black book? If there wasn’t, I really need to know. Please tell him I’ve got to know,’ ‘‘ Giuliani recalled asking Manafort’s lawyer. ‘‘He came back and said there wasn’t a black book.’’
Giuliani said he was interested in the matter to prove his theory that the ledger’s release, which he has claimed was done in conjunction with U.S. officials, was part of a falsified pretext for U.S. authorities to reopen a case against Manafort.
The FBI, however, already had a case open against Manafort before the 2016 campaign, having interviewed him twice about his work in Ukraine in 2013 and 2014.
The special counsel’s office did not introduce the ‘‘black ledger’’ at Manafort’s trial in Virginia in August 2018, nor did Manafort’s defense team mention the document during his trial on tax and financial fraud charges, or try to show that it had been forged.
After a jury convicted Manafort of eight felonies, the former Trump campaign chairman pleaded guilty in Washington to avoid a second trial. As part of his plea, Manafort acknowledged that he made more than $60 million in Ukraine, laundering more than $30 million of it through foreign companies and bank accounts to hide it from the IRS and cheating the government out of $15 million in taxes. He also said that he had lobbied in the United States on behalf of Ukrainian officials without registering and that he conspired to tamper with witnesses in his case.
Serhiy Leshchenko, a Ukrainian journalist, anti-corruption campaigner and former member of parliament, said the ledger ‘‘was obtained by an anonymous source in the burned-out ruins of the headquarters of Yanukovych’s party.’’ His involvement in the release of part of its contents at a news conference, he said, was motivated by a desire that Manafort be brought to justice for his activities in Ukraine.
‘‘Giuliani’s entire approach is built on disinformation and the manipulation of facts,’’ Leshchenko said in an opinion article in The Post. ‘‘Giuliani has developed a conspiracy theory in which he depicts my revelations about Manafort as an intervention in the 2016 U.S. election in favor of the Democratic Party.’’
In a text conversation with Manafort from August 2017 released by prosecutors in the District of Columbia case, Fox News host Sean Hannity mentions ‘‘Ukraine interference’’ as one of the issues he was highlighting to attack Mueller. On his show that year, Hannity repeatedly claimed Ukraine had intervened in the 2016 election by sharing information on Manafort with a DNC contractor. Manafort did not respond directly to those claims but frequently encouraged and praised Hannity throughout the summer.
The White House also promoted the allegation.
‘‘If you’re looking for an example of a campaign coordinating with a foreign country or a foreign source, look no further than the DNC, who actually coordinated opposition research with the Ukrainian Embassy,’’ then-White House spokeswoman Sarah Sanders said in July 2017.
Grassley and Johnson, writing this week in a letter to Attorney General William Barr, again mentioned the allegations as a matter they intend to investigate.
‘‘Ukrainian efforts, abetted by a U.S. political party, to interfere in the 2016 election should not be ignored,’’ the senators wrote. ‘‘Such allegations of corruption deserve due scrutiny, and the American people have a right to know when foreign forces attempt to undermine our democratic processes,’’ the senators wrote in the letter.
- - -
The Washington Post’s Rachel Weiner contributed to this report.


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For the second consecutive year, the estimated number of violent crimes in the nation decreased when compared with the previous year’s statistics, according to FBI figures released today. In 2018, violent crime was down 3.3 percent from the 2017 number. Property crimes also dropped 6.3 percent, marking the 16th consecutive year the collective estimates for these offenses declined.
The 2018 statistics show the estimated rate of violent crime was 368.9 offenses per 100,000 inhabitants, and the estimated rate of property crime was 2,199.5 offenses per 100,000 inhabitants. The violent crime rate fell 3.9 percent when compared with the 2017 rate; the property crime rate declined 6.9 percent.
These and additional data are presented in the 2018 edition of the FBI’s annual report Crime in the United States. This publication is a statistical compilation of offense, arrest, and police employee data reported by law enforcement agencies voluntarily participating in the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program.
The UCR Program collects information on crimes reported by law enforcement agencies regarding the violent crimes of murder and nonnegligent manslaughter, rape, robbery, and aggravated assault, as well as the property crimes of burglary, larceny-theft, motor vehicle theft, and arson. (The FBI classifies arson as a property crime, but does not estimate arson data because of variations in the level of participation by the reporting agencies. Consequently, arson data is not included in the property crime estimate.) The program also collects arrest data for the offenses listed above plus 20 offenses that include all other crimes except traffic violations.
Of the 18,586 federal, state, county, city, university and college, and tribal agencies eligible to participate in the UCR Program, 16,659 agencies submitted data in 2018. A high-level summary of the statistics submitted, as well as estimates for those agencies that did not report, follows:
  • In 2018, there were an estimated 1,206,836 violent crimes. The estimated number of three violent crime offenses decreased when compared with estimates from 2017. Robbery offenses fell 12.0 percent, murder and nonnegligent manslaughter offenses fell 6.2 percent, and the estimated volume of aggravated assault offenses decreased 0.4 percent. The estimated volume of rape (revised definition) offenses increased 2.7 percent.
  • Nationwide, there were an estimated 7,196,045 property crimes. The estimated numbers for all three property crimes showed declines when compared with the previous year’s estimates. Burglaries dropped 11.9 percent, larceny-thefts decreased 5.4 percent, and motor vehicle thefts were down 3.1 percent.
  • Collectively, victims of property crimes (excluding arson) suffered losses estimated at $16.4 billion in 2018.
  • The FBI estimated law enforcement agencies nationwide made 10.3 million arrests, (excluding those for traffic violations) in 2018.
  • The arrest rate for violent crime was 159.9 per 100,000 inhabitants, and the arrest rate for property crime was 361.2 per 100,000 inhabitants.
  • By violent crime offense, the arrest rate for murder and nonnegligent manslaughter was 3.7 per 100,000 inhabitants; rape (aggregate total using the revised and legacy definition), 7.7; robbery, 27.2; and aggravated assault, 121.4 per 100,000 inhabitants.
  • Of the property crime offenses, the arrest rate for burglary was 54.9 per 100,000 inhabitants; larceny-theft, 275.5; and motor vehicle theft, 28.1. The arrest rate for arson was 2.8 per 100,000 inhabitants.
  • In 2018, 13,497 law enforcement agencies reported their staffing levels to the FBI. These agencies reported that, as of October 31, 2018, they collectively employed 686,665 sworn officers and 288,640 civilians—a rate of 3.4 employees per 1,000 inhabitants.
Caution Against Ranking: Each year when Crime in the United States is published, some entities use the figures to compile rankings of cities and counties. These rough rankings provide no insight into the numerous variables that mold crime in a particular town, city, county, state, tribal area, or region. Consequently, they lead to simplistic and/or incomplete analyses that often create misleading perceptions adversely affecting communities and their residents. Valid assessments are possible only with careful study and analysis of the range of unique conditions affecting each local law enforcement jurisdiction. The data user is, therefore, cautioned against comparing crime data of individual reporting units from cities, metropolitan areas, states, or colleges or universities solely on the basis of their population coverage or student enrollment.
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