"Camera-on Artist" - Cameron Ortis: Alleged RCMP spy owned a large number of encrypted computers: sources - 6:53 AM 9/29/2019

Cameron Ortis: Alleged RCMP spy owned a large number of encrypted computers: sources - 6:53 AM 9/29/2019

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Cameron Ortis: Alleged RCMP spy owned a large number of encrypted computers: sources - 6:53 AM 9/29/2019
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Cameron Ortis: What we know so far about the national ...

BBC News-Sep 26, 2019
Cameron Ortis, a civilian member of Canada's national police force, had access to intelligence from Canada's global allies and has been ...
Story image for cameron ortis from CBC.ca

Case of RCMP official up on spying charges put over for a week

CBC.ca-Sep 27, 2019
Cameron Ortis at his first court appearance in Ottawa on Friday, Sept. 13, 2019. The civilian employee with an RCMP intelligence team faces ...
RCMP struggled with security-clearance backlogs at time of ...
International-The Globe and Mail-Sep 27, 2019
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Top Canadian police official charged with espionage offenses ...

CNN-Sep 16, 2019
Cameron Ortis is accused of multiple offenses under the Security of Information Act, as well as two sections of the country's Criminal Code, ...
Who is Cameron Ortis and what has the RCMP accused him ...
International-The Globe and Mail-Sep 16, 2019
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Alleged RCMP spy owned a large number of encrypted ...

CBC.ca-2 hours ago
When authorities entered Cameron Ortis's ByWard Market condo in Ottawa earlier this year, they were stunned to find dozens of computers, ...
Story image for cameron ortis from BBC News

Cameron Ortis: Trudeau reassures allies amid alleged spying ...

BBC News-Sep 17, 2019
Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has moved to reassure allies in the wake of an alleged spying case with possible international ...
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International-Globalnews.ca-Sep 17, 2019
Story image for cameron ortis from CBC.ca

Cameron Ortis back in court Sept. 27 on spy charges

CBC.ca-Sep 20, 2019
The lawyer for Cameron Ortis, the RCMP intelligence director accused of preparing to share classified secrets, says he's still waiting for key ...
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Alleged RCMP spy owned a large number of encrypted computers: sources

Michael_Novakhov shared this story .

The RCMP intelligence director who now stands accused of preparing to leak secrets to a foreign entity or terrorist group kept a large number of encrypted computers at his home, making the investigation harder to crack, CBC News has learned.
When authorities entered Cameron Ortis's ByWard Market condo in Ottawa earlier this year, they were stunned to find dozens of computers, said sources who have been briefed on the file. Those sources spoke to CBC on the condition of anonymity because they're not authorized to speak about the ongoing court case.
Most of the computers were encrypted — which is legal but creates potential barriers for the RCMP officers still investigating the case.
Ortis, the 47-year-old director general of the RCMP's national intelligence co-ordination centre, faces multiple charges under the Security of Information Act for allegedly preparing to share sensitive information with a foreign entity or terrorist organization.
He's also charged with sharing operational information back in 2015.
According to documents viewed by CBC, when officers covertly entered Ortis's condo in August they found a piece of paper bearing the words "The Project", handwritten and underlined, along with "John Lemon's blog removing your pdf metadata."

Documents 'sanitized'

That blog post walks users through the steps in clearing a PDF of its metadata, including the date on which it was created and the program used to make it.
Officers scanned Ortis's desktop files and determined that between Sept. 8 and Sept. 9 — days before his arrest — at least 25 documents "had been processed and sanitized to remove identifying information," according to the documents seen by CBC.
It's not clear if investigators were able to recover that information.
"As our investigation is ongoing, it would be inappropriate for us to comment," said RCMP Sgt. Caroline Duval in an email to CBC. 
Online data encryption, hailed by privacy advocates, has a been a persistent thorn in the RCMP's side.
Former CSIS senior strategic analyst Jessica Davis, now president of Insight Threat Intelligence, said encryption often makes investigations harder, but not hopeless.
"Getting access to the information to figure out what he was doing with those computers will be more challenging because of the encryption piece," she said.
"There are not always workarounds, but even when there are, it takes a long time to implement them."
RCMP Commissioner Brenda Lucki was warned about the RCMP's inability to keep pace with encryption and organized crime online when she took the reins of the police service last year.
"Increasingly, criminality is conducted on the internet and investigations are international in nature, yet investigative tools and RCMP capacity have not kept pace," notes a memo prepared for Lucki and obtained through access to information. 
Her predecessor, Bob Paulson, even lobbied the government for new powers to bypass digital roadblocks, including tools to get around encryption and warrantless access to internet subscriber information.
Public Safety Minister Ralph Goodale has maintained Canada has to strike a balance between privacy and the needs of law enforcement.

Ortis had access to 'highly protected' information

The documents shared with CBC say Ortis had material that, if released, would cause a "HIGH" degree of damage to Canada and its allies.
"This type of information is among the most highly protected of national security assets, by any government standard, and goes to the heart of Canada's sovereignty and security," notes the report.
The head of the RCMP said the national police force is working to limit security risks among Canada's intelligence allies and is assessing potential operational damage in the wake of charges laid against one of its top intelligence officers.
Security services first got wind of Ortis through a separate probe of Phantom Secure Communications, a B.C.-based company under investigation for providing encrypted communication devices to international criminals, according to the documents.
Ortis, who has been in custody since his arrest Sept. 12, is back in court in Ottawa Friday to set a bail hearing.
The two other intelligence security agencies, the Canadian Security Intelligence Service and the Communications Security Establishment, have so far deferred questions about the case to the RCMP.
“Trump and Trumpism” – Google News: Review: ‘Where’s My Roy Cohn?’ is a blunt, absorbing account of a master manipulator’s life and crimes – Press Herald

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FBI released files on allegations of bribery against Roy Cohn

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The FBI released nearly 750 pages from its file that detail investigations into President Donald Trump's controversial lawyer Roy Cohn.
The documents largely detail allegations that Cohn was involved in perjury, conspiracy, obstruction of justice, and bribery, adding to Cohn's longtime reputation as a ruthless attorney who had little to no regard to ethical guidelines in his work and consulting of his associates.
Cohn earned his fiery reputation while working as chief counsel for Sen. Joseph McCarthy in the 1950s during the senator's crusade to uncover suspected communists working undercover in the US government.
The lawyer successfully prosecuted Soviet spies Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, who were executed for stealing American atomic secrets. However, Cohn later said he had conversations with the trial judge without the presence of the Rosenberg lawyers, which represented an ethical breach by both Cohn and the judge, according to CNBC.
While developing his cutthroat reputation, Cohn met Donald Trump after the Department of Justice brought a 1973 lawsuit against Trump and his father, Fred, for alleged violations of the Fair Housing Act after they had discriminated against black rental applicants.
The Washington Post reported in 2016 that Trump met Cohn before the suit out and about in New York City and asked his advice on how to respond to discrimination allegations.
"My view is tell them to go to hell," Cohn said, according to the Post. "And fight the thing in court."
Cohn, as Trump's counsel, later filed a $100 million countersuit against the Justice Department before that suit failed and Trump settled the Justice Department's claims out of court.
The released files are scans of letters and other case documents, many of which pertain to an investigation of an alleged $50,000 bribe he paid the then-chief assistant US attorney to shield multiple stock swindlers from being indicted in 1959. After the deal was revealed, Cohn was ultimately found not guilty after a trial in 1964.
Cohn's other clients include media mogul Rupert Murdoch, the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of New York, and multiple New York mob bosses, and his controversial work never affected the place he enjoyed in high New York society among friends and associates like Nancy Reagan and Andy Warhol.
In 1986, Cohn was disbarred for ethics violations and died at the age of 59 from AIDS complications nearly two months later.
Since Trump's emergence on the political stage, Cohn's ties to Trump's associates have come back under scrutiny amid concerns of his influence on Trump's tactics to confronting issues related to the administration including obstruction of justice allegations.
One such associate is Roger Stonea former adviser who was charged as part of special counsel Robert Mueller's Russia investigation. Stone pleaded guilty to lying to Congress, witness tampering and obstructing a congressional proceeding, and is set to stand trial in November in federal court.
A documentary that premiered this month that explores Cohn's life and influence borrowed its title from Trump's key phrase when he was facing legal troubles and would ask "Where's My Roy Cohn?"
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Former FBI Director James Comey knows a thing or two about leadership.
A former federal prosecutor who took on the mob, terrorists and street criminals, he’s served at the top levels of the Justice Department and stood up to two different presidents for very different reasons.
Comey shared some of his lessons on leadership at the William S. Boyd School of Law’s second Law and Leadership program last week. Interviewed by former Gov. Brian Sandoval — the program’s leader — Comey talked about what he’d learned about leading.
Good leaders lead from the front. Comey said he took time when at FBI headquarters in Washington, D.C., to get his own lunch in the building’s cafeteria, coatless and with his security detail at a distance. He’d ask FBI employees about their jobs and get to know them as people.
The exercise served a dual purpose, helping Comey understand the people who worked for him, as well as letting them see him as a flesh-and-blood person, rather than as the director. And, he said, he never cut in line despite repeated invitations to do so because of his rank.
“You and I are God’s creatures, right?” he said. “There’s no difference. I’m not going to cut in line on you.”
Good leaders, Comey said, put their people center stage rather than take that spot for themselves. Comey was sure to credit the police officers, FBI agents and prosecutors who worked with him fighting gun crimes in Richmond, Virginia, what he recalled as one of his best law-enforcement posts. A politician in his spot might claim credit for cleaning up the town, but Comey pointed the spotlight on his subordinates, who carried out his priorities.
Comey said he’d look for that leadership quality at FBI headquarters. When he asked for information about a particular topic, he’d note which of his deputies would bring their subordinates to brief him, as opposed to those who would collect the information from their people and then brief the director themselves.
Leaders never ask for loyalty, Comey said. He used the example of former Marine Corps Gen. James Mattis, who recently resigned as secretary of Defense. “Jim Mattis was a fellow who led United States Marines for decades. I guarantee you, he never asked them for loyalty,” Comey said.
Instead, he set high standards and made sure his Marines had the resources to do the job. “And by all that giving and giving and giving, he got something in return, much more important than loyalty, which is transactional. He got love,” Comey said.
Leaders take care to preserve the institutions they serve, Comey said. That’s what he said he was doing when he made the decision to inform Congress that the FBI — shortly before the 2016 election — had discovered a new trove of Hillary Clinton emails relevant to a then-closed investigation. Even though he knew the revelation could (and did) affect the election, he feared not reporting the evidence and having it come out later would greatly damage the FBI.
But leaders are also humble, Comey said. Although he says he’d make the same decision again given the same circumstances, he frankly admits he’s not sure he was right. “If I was certain I was right, I’d be a moron,” Comey said. “I’m still not certain it was the right decision.”
Leaders stand up for their principles and for the rules, even in the face of intense pressure. Comey told the now-famous story of rushing to the bedside of ailing Attorney General James Ashcroft to prevent two top White House aides — then-Chief of Staff Andy Card and then-White House Counsel Alberto Gonzales — from forcing Ashcroft to sign off on a surveillance program that top Justice Department officials had determined had an infirm legal basis.
Although the president wanted the program — and former Vice President Dick Cheney warned him that people would die as a result of canceling the program — Comey stood firm. And when the president’s men arrived, Ashcroft told them in no uncertain terms he would not sign, and that, because of his illness, Comey was then the acting attorney general of the United States.
“That was the hardest thing I’d ever been involved in,” Comey said. “I had no idea.”
Comey said he had a “distant and cold” relationship with President Donald Trump before the president fired him, but said an FBI director should maintain a separation from the president. Former President Barack Obama told Comey when he was hired as director that the president simply wanted the bureau to have solid, competent leadership.
Eschewing the spotlight. Putting the focus on other people. Protecting the institution. Respecting the rules. Standing by principle, no matter the political cost. Staying humble. Never demanding loyalty.
Sound like the mirror opposite of anybody you know?
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Review: ‘Where’s My Roy Cohn?’ is a blunt, absorbing account of a master manipulator’s life and crimes

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There are documentary portraits that pay respectful tribute to their famous subjects, that measure their lives and accomplishments with varying degrees of admiration and ambivalence. And then there is “Where’s My Roy Cohn?,” which moves decidedly and unsurprisingly in the opposite direction. Its view of the notorious attorney and power broker Roy Cohn can be summed up in one interviewee’s unminced words: “If you were in his presence, you knew you were in the presence of evil.” After (or even before) seeing this absorbing, excoriating documentary, you may find it hard to disagree.
Unlike director Matt Tyrnauer’s previous films, which include “Valentino: The Last Emperor” and “Scotty and the Secret History of Hollywood,” “Where’s My Roy Cohn?” turns its gaze on a complicated but unambiguous monster. It offers a blunt, ruthless evisceration — which is to say, a clear-eyed assessment — of the brilliant legal mind who helped send the Rosenbergs to the electric chair and made his reputation as Joseph McCarthy’s attack dog. Until his 1986 death of complications from AIDS — an illness that, along with his homosexuality, he denied to the end — Cohn enjoyed a career of such flamboyant corruption and galling hypocrisy as to mark him as one of the crowning American villains of the 20th century.

A new documentary about master manipulator Roy Cohn says President Trump learned his political pugilism from Cohn. Alex Brandon/Associated Press
And perhaps also the 21st century, given his formative influence on a certain commander in chief. The movie’s big 2019-ready hook is Cohn’s longtime relationship with President Trump, which began around the time the Justice Department sued Trump, his father and Trump Management for allegedly violating the Fair Housing Act. In representing Trump, the documentary argues, Cohn gave him an early lesson in political pugilism, teaching him to never back down or admit wrongdoing, to manipulate the media without shame and to lie, deny and counter-attack with relentless ferocity.
“Where’s My Roy Cohn?” — words that Trump himself uttered after what he perceived as an unforgivable betrayal by his then-attorney general, Jeff Sessions — is hardly the only recent documentary to double as a Trumpism origin story. And the notion that Cohn was the president’s enabler and kindred spirit is certainly persuasive, despite the somewhat glib, attention-grabbing emphasis it’s given here. It’s also just one element of a portrait built on revealing interviews with Cohn’s friends, associates and family members. We hear from writers like Ken Auletta and the late Liz Smith; from the Republican fixer Roger Stone, one of Cohn’s most famous protégés; and also from a past boyfriend who’s happy to dish about Cohn’s various proclivities. (Oddly absent: any reference to Tony Kushner’s landmark play “Angels in America,” which gave this particular devil more than his due.)
But “Where’s My Roy Cohn?” derives its juiciest, queasiest fascination from the words and countenance of the man himself, seen here in a wealth of old photographs and televised interviews, at times accompanied by the seductive strains of Ravel’s “Boléro.” If the younger Cohn often looks pinched and uncomfortable, the older Cohn appears to have mastered a cool, reptilian charisma. The movie fixates often on the cold blue eyes, the heavily bronzed complexion and, at one point, the scars from a botched face-lift. If that level of scrutiny sounds petty, it’s also an apt approach to a subject whose vanity and self-loathing went hand in hand.
As many here tell it, Cohn inherited his lack of scruples, his lust for power and his transactional view of relationships from his domineering mother, Dora, and his father, Albert, a judge and prominent Democrat who gave him an early education in the workings of political power. A prodigiously gifted Columbia Law grad, Cohn was only in his 20s when he prosecuted Julius and Ethel Rosenberg on charges of espionage in 1951 and, by his own admission, secretly swayed the judge into handing them a death sentence.
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That reputation-making affair brought Cohn to the attention of FBI director J. Edgar Hoover and, eventually, McCarthy, who made him his chief counsel. It was his role in advancing McCarthy’s anti-Communist crusade that brought him into contact with another consultant, G. David Schine, whom several interviewees describe as Cohn’s first real, all-consuming romantic obsession. It was Cohn’s badgering insistence on special military treatment for Schine that led to the 1954 Army-McCarthy hearings (Sen. Joseph Welch’s famous “Have you no sense of decency, sir?” moment gets a satisfying replay here), which in turn precipitated McCarthy’s downfall and drove Cohn into private practice.
You almost (almost!) pity Cohn during clips of the hearings, which are rife with homophobic language and cruel, snickering speculations about his relationship with Schine. But the lawyer’s humiliation and defeat were only temporary, and “Where’s My Roy Cohn?” makes clear that they only further fueled his drive to manipulate the system and win at any cost.
He surrounded himself with women (including Barbara Walters, at one point rumored to be his fiancée) while pursuing daily flings with men. He became a friend of Ronald and Nancy Reagan, a consigliere to Mafia figures like John Gotti and a regular at Studio 54 (he even popped up in Tyrnauer’s 2018 documentary on that legendary disco). His crooked dealings helped build Trump Tower, a story of such multilevel corruption that it could merit a feature-length documentary of its own.
All this rushes by in a momentous blur of archival footage, the sheer abundance of which reminds you just how fully Cohn relished the spotlight, even as he had so much to hide. The men and women interviewed here do take eloquent stabs at explaining these and other contradictions and ironies: the self-hatred behind his relentless persecutions of gay people; the personal access to early AIDS treatment he received courtesy of President Reagan, who otherwise did next to nothing to acknowledge or mitigate the epidemic. The movie can’t fully disguise its glee as it lingers over the particulars of Cohn’s death — or, for that matter, its all-too-convincing lament that his spirit is still alive and well.

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